they buy cheaper and what they sell dearer; that capital has had impetus and encouragement by the wonderfully increased volume of business.

"It is clear from these facts that the cry that the people, the working people the farmers and the laborers are being robbed is not true. On the contrary, the evidence that the movement is normal and economic is seen in all three phases of this complex movement. It is seen first in the fact that the products whose prices have risen are those of hand-labor, or non-capitalistic industries, which is conclusive evidence that the general prosperity has extended to those industries not sus

ceptible of the maximum application of capital and mechanical devices through the higher prices of prod

ucts.

"In the next place it is shown by the fact that where the capital is scientifically applied the prices to the public are reduced; and third, by the fact that where wage laborers are employed the normal social influences which tend to keep wages up to the standard of living have steadily operated, and that wages have risen commensurately with the general movement of prices."

THE INCREASE IN IMPORTS.

[Textile Record.]

The increase of imports to this coun

try during the past few years has disturbed some minds which had found solace in the previous superiority of our

exports to our imports. It is, however, to be noted that the slight lessening of the sale of our wares to foreigners and the considerable increase of our purchases from them are both incidents of our prosperity. No doubt our people are buying articles of luxury more largely from Europe because they are making more money than usual. But, in truth, much the greater part of the increase of imports is due to the fact that domestic manufacturers under the shelter of the tariff have rapidly expanded. The stuff that comes here in growing quantities is raw material consumed in our mills and factories; all of it stuff which is not produced at home at all or in sufficient quantity. On the other hand, if

we sell abroad less of our manufactures it is because the men who make them are finding at home a better market than they can find abroad. The fever for exporttrade was hottest in the dull times following Mr. Cleveland's advent to power, and the trade grew then because our own people were too poor to buy what they wanted. In these prosperous high-tariff days they can take the product of the home factories and yet find their wants not fully supplied; and there are few American manufacturers who care much about selling in Europe, Asia and Africa while the home population, the richest in the world, are clamoring

for materials.

Ir the Federal government should seize and try to operate the coal mines, every politician in the country would at once unload some of his favorites on the bureau, Congress would restrict the working hours and push up the wages, and the cost of mining coal would probably be increased from fifty to one hundred per cent at once. The price could be kept down, as the price of postage is, by an arbitrary act, but the larger cost would be paid by the people directly or indirectly, and, meantime, the power of the politicians would be greatly increased by the multiplication of places at their disposal. - Textile Record.

a

T does not often happen when private citizen dies that everybody says, "It is a national loss." But this happened when Thomas Brackett Reed passed away. It is doubtful if even the Presidency would have added one cubit to his stature. And yet, he desired to become President, partly for the good that he felt he could do in that great office and partly because he recognized that the world considers success, by which is meant getting, essential to a man's greatness.

In a conversation which the writer had with Mr. Reed at his home in Portland a few years since, the then Speaker of the National House of Representatives, which is practically the second office in the government, said that he never expected to be President, for two reasons: first, he was not located right; second, it had fallen to his lot to fight such battles for his party as to make him unavailable for his party's candidacy. "It is one of the ironies of fate in politics," said he, "that the man who does most for his party is thought of by his party as unlikely to get votes enough to secure the one and only office which will carry his down in history two hundred years. So the office must be given to some one who has less positive qualities or has stood guard when another had to fight."

name

a

The historic fact, and the philosophy of it, thus stated by Mr. Reed, have to be recognized, but he underestimated his claim to enduring fame if he thought that holding a higher office than he then held was essential to it. No mere office would have given Mr. Reed fame. It is what he did as Speaker, his brave emancipation of the House from the tyranny that an obstructive minority could exercise under its own rules, that gives him title, national gratitude and undying fame. But it was not this alone. During his entire public career he had been an incorruptible and fearless patriot and hard worker for what he believed to be the truth. He was kind, accommodating and helpful. He sacrificed pleasure, opportunity to make money, even health, for the sake of party and country. And when, at length, he saw that he was not in accord with the administration on a great question of national policy, rather than embarrass his party by leading an internal opposition, he bravely sacrificed his political future and retired to private and professional life. It is gratifying to know that in this he was eminently successful and that it was the sweetest consolation of his life that he could leave his family in good circumstances.

While Mr. Reed was not so much spoken of as a champion of protec

The nomination for Speaker, twice tendered him as a compliment by the Republican minority in the House, proved more than a barren honor on the assembling of the Fifty-First Congress, December 2, 1889, when, on the first ballot, he was chosen Speaker over the Democratic nominee, Hon. John G. Carlisle. As Speaker, Mr. Reed's determined attitude against the obstruction of public business by partisan methods resulted almost immediately in an issue between him and his political opponents, which attained wide notoriety, and largely influenced legislation thereafter. His rulings were sustained in every instance; and the question was finally set at rest by the adoption of new rules recognizing the validity of Mr. Reed's position. The Democrats adopted virtually the same rules in the Fifty-Second and Fifty-Third Congresses, which they controlled. Mr. Reed himself administered them in the Fifty-Fourth and Fifty-Fifth Congresses when the Republicans had returned to power in the legislative branch of government.

In 1896 Mr. Reed was an unsuccessful candidiate for the Republican presidential nomination; but he continued to fill the position of Speaker until 1899 when he resigned, after serving in eleven Congresses. After his retirement, he became the head of the law firm of Simpson, Thacher, Barnum and Bartlett in New York, and was paid a salary of $50,000 a year. He leaves a widow, the daughter of Rev. S. H. Merrill of Maine, and one daughter.

THE FUNERAL SERVICES.

The body of the late Thomas B. Reed was conveyed by special train to Portland, December 8, accompanied by the family and intimate friends. At Mrs. Reed's request, there were no ceremonies of any kind in Washington, but President Roosevelt and a large number of public men called to pay their trib

uate of respect. The lower house of Congress adopted appropriate resolutions and adjourned for the day.

The funeral was held in the First Parish Unitarian Church in Portland, December 9, at two o'clock, but for some hours previous the body was allowed to lie in state in the parish house, where it was viewed by many hundreds of people. When the funeral began the church was filled. Among the distinguished persons present were Governor W. Murray Crane of Massachusetts; his private secretary, John B. Smith; Col. George H. Lyman, collector of the port of Boston; Hon. Edwin U. Curtis, ex-mayor of Boston; Governor John F. Hill and staff; Congressmen Amos L. Allen, Charles E. Littlefield and E. C. Burleigh, a delegation from the Home Market Club (whose names are given elsewhere), and the full strength of the Cumberland County Bar. Then came the Loyal Legion, several Grand Army posts, members of the Cumberland Club, members of Mr. Reed's class at Bowdoin College, the entire city government of Portland headed by Mayor Boothby, and delegates from nearly every political organization in the state of Maine. In the front pews were the pallbearers: Hon. Joseph W. Symonds, Hon. John C. Small, George E. Bird, Attorney-General George M. Seiders, Judge Clarence Hale of the United States District Court, Robinson Williams, William Bradley and William R. Wood.

The floral tributes were numerous

and beautiful. The services were simple, and consisted of a recital of the Lord's Prayer, reading of passages of Scripture, and a funeral address by Rev. John Carroll Perkins, pastor of the church. The address was followed by prayer offered by Rev. Mr. Perkins, and then came the organ response by the organist of the church. The benediction closed the service. After the funeral the remains were conveyed to Evergreen Cemetery and placed in a private receiving tomb, while all the city bells tolled a requiem.

THE FUNERAL ADDRESS.

In this house of quietness and religious communion, our hearts bowed down in worship, our minds stung with the sudden sorrow of the hour, how like helpless creatures of a mystic Providence we find ourselves! 'Tis a mighty power that enshrouds us round, whose purposes we can in little measure compass, who commits to us the swift charge of life for a little while, and then with silent solemnity swings back the portals of death and bids us enter. This law of life and death, how sternly present it ever is to all our contemplation, how hard to fathom! And yet we can bear it all, as our fathers before us have borne it, when out of the deep mist of fate that keeps attendance upon law, we catch the brilliant and assuring revelations of a divine and fatherly love, which touches the soul with a mighty consolation and bids the tossing, tumultuous heart be still. It is this stillness that came to Jesus, in that bitter pang of Gethsemane, and taught him to cry out, "Not my will, but Thine be done." Following in his footsteps, we too may learn in hours of pain that stillness and that rest that belong unto the children of God.

There is, however, nothing in the ordinary round of our life that allures

us into the paths of peace, like the towering monuments of human character, that God in his own time raises up along the highways of our striving. Somehow we are always startled when we see it, every great institution, every great virtue, every great ideal of life is sure to find its glorious exemplification in the character of an upright man. Such a soul stands forth among us now, bearing on his shoulders, as fabled Atlas bore the world, the whole great round of national political honor and integrity. It is a part of worship to dwell upon that mighty influence.

In representative government, which we believe is the ideal expression of intelligent men, this friend of ours was perfectly equipped, by natural ability, by moral power, by rational ambition, to bear whatever task or duty his fellow citizens required of him. When the President of our nation visited our city last August, he began his address to our people in this way, "I wish to say a word to you in recognition of a great service rendered, not only to all our country, but the entire principle of democratic government throughout the world, by one of your citizens." He referred to the achievement of efficient activity by a legislative body under representative government, and the citizen was Thomas Brackett Reed.

Fifty years ago Macaulay wrote: "Parliamentary government is a government by speaking. In such a government the power of speaking is the most highly prized of all the qualities which a politician may possess; and that power may exist in the highest degree, without judgment, without fortitude, without skill in reading the characters of men or the signs of the times, without any knowledge of the principles of legislation or political economy, and without any skill in diplomacy or in the administration of war." He said this to explain the wonderful career of William Pitt; and in a mood of criticism upon repre sentative government. Such a characterization must remain absolutely false among a people like ours, just so long as we are content, which contentment is now our glory, in entrusting the direc