89 : : HOOD AND WRAY. ADVERTISEMENT. To the Independent Electors of Westminster. Gentlemen, The plan which I just hinted at in Parliament, relating to Chelsea Hospital, having been so totally misunderstood, even by some of my good friends and Constituents, I think it incumbent upon me to assure them in particular, and the Electors in general, that a just and seasonable economy in the state, and the additional comfort and advantage of the brave and deserving invalids, were the only objects of my wishes and intention; and I will venture to pledge my word to the partakers of this great charity,) fo honourable to themselves and their fellow-fubjects, that if such plan should hereafter be adopted, every Penfioner will have reason to bless that Parliament which shall have brought about so useful and so laudable a reformation. Wood's Hotel, March 29, 1784. CECIL WRAY. ADVERTISEMENT. Answers to the Queries to Sir Cecil Wray. March 29, 1784.] First, Sir Cecil Wray, at the request of a great part of his Constituents, did propose a flender tax upon maid servants. 2d. Every man is by nature and humanity bound to protect the sex; but, furely, no fophiftry can be clearer, no absurdity can be greater, than to suppose that a tax of a few shillings per annum on female fervants would border the least upon oppreffion, would be the least calculated to increase prostitution, or to destroy the means of female fubfiftence. Men who feriously think this (if any fuch there can be) must estimate female virtue at a very low rate, and be very superficial judges either of the expences or the paffions of women. But after all, such tax would in reality fall upon the master or mistress; wages would not be lowered by it, neither would the number of fervants be diminished to any degree deferving of attention. 3d. 4th. 5th. 6th. Sir Cecil Wray did declare it to be his wish that Chelsea Hospital should be abolished, and that the institution should be regulated. But no man, perhaps, was less ignorant of the wife and humane intentions of its founder and supporters; and no man more defirous of feeing such intentions fully answered than Sir Cecil Wray, whose feelings, both as a foldier and as a man, do him the greatest honour in the opinion of all who have his friendship or acquaintance. However impolitic, however hard and oppressive this plan may appear at first sight, yet the man that can, the man that will reflect but one moment, muft more than acquit the heart and design of Sir Cecil towards the gallant pensioners whom he only wishes to fee still better rewarded, and still more comfortably supported. 7th. Sir Cecil was, doubtless, indebted to Mr. Fox for his introduction into Westminster; the chief condition of this favour was, that Sir Cecil, in conjunction with his friend, should always adhere to the instructions of his Constituents. Sir Cecil fulfilled this condition; Mr. Fox broke it. Sir Cecil did indeed desert Mr. Fox, but it was not till Mr. Fox had deserted himself, and lost the confidence and good opinion of the far greater part of his constituents which a few days will prove beyond all poffible contradiction. 1 : oth. The party, with whom Sir Cecil has now formed a junction, have no league against the just power of the House of Commons; for this is too great an absurdity ever to fuppofe: This party, with Sir Cecil, only meant to call no one branch of the legifla ture independent of the other two, but wifely and refolutely contend, that the dignity of the Crown, and the rights of the people, be ever confidered as infeparable by every faithful Member of the Senate. 10th. The last query we shall beg leave to answer in the strongest affirmative, and in the interrogator's own words; "that good women, brave men, and virtuous statesmen, " must ever esteem Sir Cecil Wray in a private, and support him in a publich character." QUERIES addressed to Mr. FOX. Whatever may be thought of your abilities, can you assume any credit to yourfelf from your actions, or are not rather your speeches the sole criterion of your merit. Did you not first emerging out of the obscurity of a college, embrace the decisive principles of a Tory, and act up to them with so much earnestness and violence as aftonished the Jacobites themselves, till a personal difference with Lord North, drove you to feek refuge among the whigs? Did you not during the period above mentioned, fignalize yourself for your severity againft individuals, who had opposed the corrupt measures of the Ministry, and fallen under the cenfure of parliamentary privilege, by exerting the undoubted rights of a British subject? Did you not, when you were obliged to abandon all hope of regaining an official fituation, proclaim yourself the friend of the people, and an advocate for those rights, which you had been before fo ftrenuous to annihilate ? Did you not, for the fpace of about eight years, declare your abhorrence of every act and every principle of Lord North, as a Minifter and as a man, till you found it neceffary for your mutual interest to unite in cajoling and oppreffing the public ? Did you not express your terror at the fuppofed idea, of Lord Shelburne's design, to bring Lord North again into the Cabinet? Did you not, while in oppofition to Lord North, repeatedly manifeft in the most explicit manner your contempt for a majority of the House of Coinmons? Did you not, in 1778, upbraid Lord North for his indecent neglect of the aristocratic body? ... Were you not a most earnest advocate for associations in 1780, and did you not con tend that the sense of the people is to be collected at those assemblies? Have you not fince declared, that the people are not competent to decide for themselves, and that the fenfe of the people is only to be collected through their pretended reprefentatives? Did you not call Lord North a plunderer for making some little innovation in the East India Charter; and have you not fince brought a bill into Parliament, by which that charter was to be totally ANNIHILATED, for the benefit of the proprietors and the public? Did you not, in speaking to the Wiltshire meeting, lament that you were often obliged to address yourself to a corrupt body of men; and have you not fince, with the moft nauseous and disgusting repetition, decsanted on the dignity and incorruptibility of the House of Commons ? : Have you not uniformly, when a candidate for Westminster, cringed in the most wretched manner to the scum of the Electors, and made promises which you neither could nor would perform? Have you not, by fimilar promises, and by presents to a few, while the means were in your power, secured to yourself the interest of all the venal fcribblers in this metropolis? : Did you not, by a promise to divide the spoils of the East India Company, gain over a majority of the House of Commons, no less venal and corrupt than those gentlemen of the quill above alluded to ? Have you ever done any thing for your country? Have you not impeded the designs of feveral Minifters, which might have been attended with advantage? Has not your political life been a conftant system of professions and promises, which you have observed as beft fuited the neceffities of the day? Finally, Do you not laugh among your bofom companions at the dupes you have made, as well in the House of Commons, as amidst the wife Electors of the city of Westminster? Reasons humbly offered to the worthy Electors of Westminster, shewing they ought to elect the Honourable COGDIE SHUFFLECARD REYNARDINE to be their Representative in Parliament. Ist. He hopes it will not be forgotten, that the nation has already had a specimen of the integrity of his family in an office of great truft, on account of which a confiderable balance still remains undischarged. 2dly. When it is confidered with what admirable economy he has conducted his own private finances, his ability to conduct those of the nation cannot be doubted. 3dly. The great estates, which he is possessed of, will prove an undeniable security for his not loading the landed property with fresh taxes, of which he must necessarily bear so confiderable a proportion. 4thly. He humbly hopes his consistent behaviour, ever since he has been a public character, particularly in the late Parliament, as well as his strenuous attempts to facilitate the public business, will not be overlooked. 5thly. He flatters himself he shall not be accused of arrogance in requesting the atten tion of the electors to his moral character, and particularly his hatred to that prevalent and most pernicious vice of gaming. 6thly. Confcious of his merits with the commercial part of the electors, particularly those concerned with the East India Company, he hopes not to over-rate his pretenfions in claiming their votes and interest. N. B. If he should enjoy the happiness of being the object of their choice, he promifes to be their faithful Representative, by declaring his own opinion freely, and confulting their sentiments on the next general election. He pledges himself to adhere to his principles, without adding to their number, and invariably to maintain their interests, which he confiders as his own; neither of which he was ever known to overlook, fo long as they were connected with each other. REASONS for not choofing Lord HOOD. Because he is not, nor ever was, of any party or faction. Because he has been second in command, in the most glorious sea fight, that ever happened in the annals of England. Because he preferved the British islands in the West-Indies, from falling a prey to a superior French fleet. Because he was in possession of the command of a fleet before Lord Keppel was made a Viscount, and First Lord of the Admiralty, for not fighting the French fleet on the 27th of July, 1778. REASONS for choosing Sir CECIL WRAY. Because Mr. William Pitt refused to become a TOOL of the Westminster Committee. Because Sir Cecil served his country for three years as a Captain of militia. Because the borough of Retford in Nottinghamshire refused to choose any longer a person of known republican principles. Because a Secretary of State takes a new method of abolishing the influence of the Crown in matters of Election. Because it is improper that either of the Members for the city of Westminster should have a farthing of property in that city. ADVERTISEMENT. To the Worthy Electors of Westminster. The early appearance of the friends of Lord Hood and Sir Cecil Wray is earnestly requested this morning at the place of Election in Covent Garden.. April 1st, 1784. ADVERTISEMENT.. The worthy Electors of Westminster, in the interest of Lord Hood and Sir Cecil Wray, are respectfully acquainted, that Suffolk's Auction Rooms, (late Barford's) under the Piazza, Covent Garden, and Patterson's Auction Rooms, in King-ftreet, are opened for their reception during the Poll. April 1st, 1784. ADVERTISEMENT. The libel and forgery contained in an advertisement of yesterday, dated Wood's Hotel, in the name of Lord Hood's and Sir Cecil Wray's Committee, and signed John Churchill, betray a total want of principle and honour, and fairly come within the reach of the law. law. But independently of any law process which may hereafter take place, the false reasoning that this advertisement holds out to the public, really shews a want of good sense, as the intention or tendency of it shews a want of manly probity. Because the Committee did not hear Sir Cecil Wray deliver his opinion respecting Chelsea Hospital in the House of Commons, they could not hear him deliver the very fame words in the Committee Room. And because they could not form a judgment of a speech spoken in Parliament where they were not present, the Committee could not poffibly form any just judgment of the very same speech spoken in a room where they were present. Fallacious logic surely! and must be seen through by every honest mind. This speech was very minutely confidered by the Committee ! and what it may want in elegance, was unanimously thought to be fully made up by integrity of design, and utility of purpose; infomuch that this circumftance, which at first appeared to injure Sir Cecil Wray in his Election, has most justly assisted him in it, and made his success, from probable, become certain. April 1. ADVERTISEMENT. Part of the Etiquette to be observed in Covent Garden this Day. No Irish chairmen are to be fuffered to come within fight of the hustings. Ten millions of hand-bills are to be dispersed to misrepresent what Sir Cecil Wray faid of Chelsea Hospital. Several specimens of a poisoned bag are to be exhibited, but without any further design of mortality than what naturally befals a defeated Candidate. April 1, 1784. QUERIES to the late Man of the People. Were you not intimately connected with the unfortunate Tyrie (who was executed at Portsmouth for conveying intelligence to the enemies of this country) and in company with him the greatest part of the day and night previous to his being apprehended? Did you not agree with a man who stands on the records of the Court of King'sbench, in feveral instances, as the confederate of the faid Tyrie to bring him into Parliament for the sum of 2000 l. blood? Did you not, Judas like, receive that sum, 2000l. the price of your country's When the Electors of difcovered that you meant to fell them to such a character (out of your great respect to an equitable Representation, and the dignity of the Houfe ef Commons---your prefent boast) Did they not alike virtuously reprobate your presumption? Did not Mr. Tyrie's partner oblige you to refund the 2000l. and also a confiderable fum for expences which you had involved him in, under the pretence of bringing him into Parliament? Did you not know that the 20001. paid to you was the property of Tyrie? Who were the two great men at that time in oppofition alluded to in Tyrie's Letter *, wrote by himself the night previous to his execution, as having amused him to the last moment with an afsurance of pardon if he would persevere in fecrecy? * Vide the public prints of that day for Tyrie's letter. Question |