A remarkable instance of one state formulating an act of this nature occurred during our civil war, when Prof. Lieber, a noted jurist and philosopher, put forth a project reviewed by a committee of officers and ratified by President Lincoln. Reference is made to "Instructions for the Government of the Armies of the United States in the Field," in which we find laid down certain rules as to the extent and limit of the rights of the victors in a hostile country over enemy's property, public and private; as to the protection of citizens, religion, arts and sciences; as to deserters and prisoners of war; as to safe conducts, treaties, and a variety of other subjects relating to war.

Inasmuch as these instructions contained general rules which were in accord with the ideas of humanity as to the manner of waging war, their effect has spread beyond the frontier of our own land, and has contributed powerfully to determine the principles of the law of war.

Here is an instance of the expression of the public opinion of one nation on one of the most vital questions of international law, and the governments of Europe could not remain behind this country without being placed under the ban of public opinion, and being stigmatized as not attaining to the height of the progress made by international law, as it is being understood and interpreted by the civilized world.

It is entirely due to the wisdom of Lieber in perceiving that our country was ready to formulate its convictions in this manner, that the above-mentioned stride toward perfecting the law of nations was made, and it was the accident of war which brought this idea to the mind of that eminent man.

Our convictions when once formulated are in general good, since they result from the spirit of reform which is ever prevalent among us.

In a short article it would be impossible to give even a résumé of the progress made in formulating and perfecting the law of nations since the peace of Westphalia-the recognized startingpoint of modern international law-or even to endeavor to discover what nation has contributed most toward this progress.

This, at least, is very certain, that the United States has made its presence felt among the nations of the world, and has in several instances expressed its convictions with such emphasis that the rest of the world was forced to give ear.

The old world looks involuntarily to the new for reforms, social and political. It is on the territory of the new world that the problem of the equable adjustment of capital and labor, both being here fresh and vigorous, will eventually be solved for all civilization. And there is, at present, a growing tendency on the part of our nation throughout its length and breadth, to take up the study of political economy and political science, knowing that a "sufficient knowledge of these sciences will enable us to use our powers wisely, in relieving the labors and misery of mankind."

We are at present however, owing to our unsettled tariff laws, which Republicans have rectified according to their ideas, and Democrats are anxious to alter according to theirs, in a measure cut off from the commerce of the old world, thus having time for the moment, to discuss and possibly to solve, the great social and political problems of the day. Is not this, then, one of the best things that can be said in favor of Protection?

Now, if ever, is for us the time to solve them, in order that, when our country shall be so wonderfully developed that we shall be compelled to seek beyond the seas-and the time is even now at hand-an outlet for our produce, and when we shall be thrown into still more direct and fiercer competition with the rest of the world, we may extend with our influence the reforms we shall have instituted among ourselves.

There should be, therefore, scattered over the world, our fellow-countrymen learned in the political and commercial status of our own and of other countries, who may protect and further our commercial interests abroad, and lead the public opinion of these nations to our own ideas and history shall point to America as the great advancer of liberal ideas.

Let us hope that these liberal ideas when subjected to the critical search light of coming centuries may be found to have such an inherent moral authority that they shall not require to

be upheld by exterior force. This is the pacific development of international law.

Looked at in this light the question naturally presents itself: is it not of sufficient importance even now to our nation to realize that we are an ever-increasing factor in the march of human progress, and that we ought to maintain a corps of men thoroughly instructed in the knowledge of the political, social, and commercial science of the world, not for the purpose of taking undue advantage of others, but to uphold and defend in the international arena, whatever is good and just in our new civilization. In other words, is there room in our government for a diplomatic career per se for young men to enter upon?

There came to the notice of the writer of this article when discussing the possibilities of such a career for young men, the following very discouraging view of the matter:

"I fear these hopes of a diplomatic career will prove disappointing. Politics gives but poor promise of permanent employment, and unfits a man for other occupations. Official life as represented in our country is seldom a satisfactory one, and leads men too often to be truculent, insincere, and dishonest. I would not advise any young man whose future I valued, to attempt a so-called diplomatic career in our country."

years ago, of no less a That such a diplomat

These were the opinions, some seven man than our present secretary of state. by many considered our only trained diplomat-and such a statesman as the Hon. John W. Foster, should be forced to admit so unsatisfactory a state of affairs, shows that there is something radically wrong.

Upon those of us who long for something higher in our political life, and do not strive to seek it, should rest the blame for this condition of things.

It is often said in extenuation of our inefficient and inadequate diplomatic service, that we rarely come in diplomatic contact with other nations. It is true that we are so geographically placed, that our relations do not often assume strained proportions with the governments of other countries; but it must not be forgotten that we are a nation made up of other nations, and that the foreign elements which we are daily absorbing

come to us bringing their nationality, their poverty, and even their crimes with them; that they expect to become American citizens, and to look for protection at our hands. We are therefore brought into very close contact with the citizens of all nations, and there are arising continual disputes on the questions of nationality, naturalization, extradition, etc., which have to be settled by treaties and conventions, in accordance with the principles of international law. Events of recent date are still fresh in the minds of all to illustrate the above assertions.

Since these treaties and conventions are supposed to be made for the welfare of the nation as a whole, as well as for the welfare of the ingrafted foreigner, they should not be intrusted to unskilled hands. The head of the State Department, who is the exponent and guide of the foreign policy of the United States, should be kept officially informed on all questions of detail affecting the intricate parts of every dispute to be settled by men who know thoroughly not only our policy but the policy and political workings of the countries to which they are accredited. To accomplish this end requires a corps of trained diplomats.

These foreign elements who come to our shores are imbued with the all-absorbing idea of bettering their material condition, and in doing this they help to develop our country. They do not, however, forget their native land, and are naturally inclined when they have improved their condition, to bring about commercial dealings between the country of their birth and the country of their adoption. Thus they extend and develop the peaceful pursuit of commerce with other nations, and our intercourse with foreign peoples. Each wave of the great and increasing tide of population setting in to our shores brings with it the possibility of an immense addition of wealth to our country, and of an immense extension of our commercial and political dealings with other nations.

As has been already intimated we have been so occupied in developing our own country that until recently we have not striven to push our commerce with other countries, but we are

being forced more and more to give to the world a larger quota of what we are so bountifully producing on that principle of political economy that every nation is endowed by nature to produce certain things better than other nations. This principle is the mainspring of commerce.

In proportion to the development of our commercial relations the importance of our consulates is augmented, and the efficiency of our consular system must be commensurate with its importance. With our increasing internal wealth, an increasing proportion of our people is spreading over the globe in pursuit of education, science, art, and pleasure, lingering for a time in foreign lands and entering into relations with strangers. It is the duty of our paid servant in foreign lands to protect the varied private interests of his compatriots, while thus engaged, and to assist them in case of need by whatever influence he may possess with the authorities of the country, and in strict accordance with the power vested in him.

In former times a consulate was a reward for a commercial career which the recipient was proud to accept for the honor the office brought with it; the more so, as the duties of such a position were very light.

But now the duties have become so varied and complicated, and the knowledge requisite to fulfill such a position so great that a consulate should henceforth be regarded as a special vocation included in the diplomatic service of the country, since in many cases a consulate is quasi-diplomatic in its nature.

A consular position in these days must be a career in itself, not the partisan reward or emolument of a former career.

In process of time war, it is believed and hoped, will become a relic of the past. Especially shall this be true in our country, remote in situation, serene in habit, absorbed in the arts of peace rather than in the science of warfare.

We have schools established by our government devoted to the training of young men for military service both on land and sea. Do we not rather foresee in our future with its vast spreading commercial enterprise and consequent social relations a greater need for schools consecrated to the goddess of peace, than