fluenced by no other hope than that of "spare"; which latter assertion, with benefiting a country which, although all the respect due to so much talent, it posesses within itself inexhaustible I beg leave most respectfully to deny. resources, is, perhaps more wretched Secondly, You ask the projectors, than any other on which the sun ever "Do they know nothing of the blow shone; but, sir, I am taking up too "which their glorious countryman much of your time. (Cheers). Only "Jackson, is giving to the whole syslet Irishmen act with union and vigour, "tem of paper-money all over the and the cause must succeed. Away with "world; and do they not blush on reour party prejudices, our political and our "flecting that it is owing to the good polemical animosities, and then this "sense and virtue of their countrymen, hoary-headed. [Here the speaker ""the Irish,' in the United States, proceeded in very severe strictures on "that the President is enabled to pull Mr. Cobbett's political life, and con- "down the monsters of paper." Answer: tinued]: Old as he is he may yet live Quite aware of the whole thing, and to see this great undertaking no less have already placed before the Irish successful in its results than I know the public (a copy of which was placed in motives which have influenced its pro- Mr. Cobbett's hands) a view of the jectors to be in their origin, disin- transactions, quite agreeing with Mr. terested and pure. One remark more, Cobbett, and because the pro-projectors and I have done. Much has been said do foresee the tremendous results of a on the subject of liability, and I wish it blow up of the "DEBT," they wish to to be every where distinctly understood, procure a retreat for the Irish people that a clause has been added to the pro- who now have millions locked up in spectus, which renders it, surely, I may these funds, which Mr. Cobbett, by his say, impossible, that, any liability can "Norfolk petition and resolutions," attach to any shareholder exceeding one- would, certainly, to a considerable exfourth of the amount of the subscription tent, demolish; how this is to be done which he has actually paid up. Let it is simply by investing the surplus capibe also known, that although, as a tal of the company in land, which, come maximum, the capital stands at five what may, cannot at any rate be blown millions, no doubt is entertained, that up; and then your other query, Can one million will carry into effect the they read those resolutions (passed by contemplated measure, and that the committee have not the smallest intention of ever calling for more than one pound on each share.

(Letter from the same Paper.)

TO WILLIAM COBBETT, ESQ., "M.P. FOR OLDHAM."

Irishmen in the United States, against the re-chartering of the London States Bank)? Can they read those resolutions. and not be ashamed of the promulgation of this " plundering scheme"? Indeed, they can, Mr. Cobbett, and at the same time, glory in the aforesaid resolutions of their countrymen in a foreign land, against the re-chartering of a London Bank, composed of " English "noblemen, gentlemen, noble ladies,

Dublin, 21. July, 1834. Sir, In your Register of Saturday you have stated your intention to "blow up" the new Irish Agricultural and "and English fundowners; in fact, an Commercial Banking Company, and "English institution leaning on the you further state that it is founded, not "Bank of England." (Does Mr. Cobin philanthropy, but in humbug, and bett remember his own immortal defiafter giving in your paper the thirty-five nition of the American Bank, to which articles of the prospectus, you have the he points?) Yes! they can read, and second-childishness to assert that "five glory in the understanding and patriot"millions of money divided into five- ism of their countryman, the President, "pound shares, require, to form the and of their countrymen, " the Irish,"

"company, a million of men, each of of the United States.

"whom must have five pounds to

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*

"

But you say, "this Ireland I have never minds, I am not to wonder at any thing "seen. I ought to see it, for in such a that they say; nor should I much woncase you cannot know without seeing der at any thing that they would do, if " with your own eyes. I intended to they could do it. I understand the go at the close of this session of Par- hints of the letter-writer; but I, who "liament; but I hesitated. This bank- was not afraid to go to EDINBURGH, "ing scheme has decided me. I am with all the newspapers open-mouthed, "determined to go to the spot, and chal- beseeching the people to fling me into "lenge the pro-projectors to meet me a ditch, am not to be frightened by the "face to face." Yes, this is manly, swaggering letter of an anonymous and deserves to be respected; but why writer, who shows his poor spite by not state your intention, for surely you putting "M.P. for Oldham" within must have some such intention, of chal- marks of quotation, as if it were a nicklenging also the pro-projectors of the name, and not a reality. Poor, indeed, "London NATIONAL BANK OF IRE- is the cause of the intense scheme, if its LAND to mortal combat?

"

advocates be of a stamp like this.

This writer asks me, why I do not challenge the subscribers to the American Bank, who are living in London..

Aye, William! you have those men on the spot with you, will you challenge them? We shall see. But do you seriously intend to come to Dublin to I challenge them as far as I can; but meet the projectors of the Commercial they do not acknowledge that they are Bank face to face. Glorious idea! a the supporters of the American Bank: hundred thousand welcomes, my dear they do not come forth and plead; and fellow: a regular stand-up fight! half therefore to challenge them is imposhour and half hour, à la Maguire and sible.

Pope! Oh, it will indeed be worth Turning from this very contemptible hearing! A pound a ticket for admis- stuff to Mr. DIXON, and giving him full sion. We will divide the "dividends" credit for that abuse which the editor in this concern at any rate. of the paper has had the good taste to

Pack up, pack up, the weather is suppress, I shall only make an observafine, the country beautiful, your cough tion or two on the folly of this Mr. is-all in your eye. We will give you DIXON, who, to get rid of my objection some "GRUB " at any rate, and that not to a whole people becoming bankers, a bare "BONE," while you stop with tells us that the whole sum may be adus, probably invite you to stand for a vanced by 3,333 subscribers; and yet, county, do you understand, William ? in another part of his speech, tells us Your very obedient servant, of the universal profits to arise from ONE OF THE PRO-PROJECTORS OF THE this thing; tells us of the whole commuNATIONAL AGRICULTURAL AND COM-nity sharing in the profits; tells us that MERCIAL BANK OF IRELAND.

the profits of banking will, if this scheme be adopted, no longer be enjoyed I sent an Irishman to clean out a sty exclusively by the rich. Then comes at KENSINGTON. He was a very good the monstrous absurdity; then comes and dutiful man, and not apt to neglect back this monstrous absurdity, of a any thing; but I perceived that he had whole people profiting by lending papernot done what I told him; and when I money to themselves and paying the asked him why he had not, his answer interest to themselves; out of which was: The ould divil was so crase "! absurdity Mr. DIXON can never get, These, his countrymen, seem to be as unless he at once confess that this is a crase as my old sow was, and to be ready specious pretence for establishing a new to deal as roughly with me as she was bank for the benefit of a few. One of with him. She had young ones, and so these railers says, that the funds not have they; and, perhaps, they are fonder being safe, the project is to lay out the of their scheme than she was of her surplus capital in land, which will be pigs. Such being the state of their safe. But the difficulty always is to

"

HISTORY OF GEORGE THE
FOURTH.

1

NUMBERS 17 and 18 of this work are

discover where the surplus capital is to come FROM. It must consist of gains, and the gains must be got from somebody; and that somebody must make part of the community. I should like to see Mr. Dixאס grapple with this just published. The other two numbers point; lay aside his abuse of me for a will be published in about a fortnight, while, and grapple with this: tell us the last number containing a chronolohow the whole of the community is to gical table of the principal events, and be a gainer; and yet to afford gains to also an index; and the whole work the projectors of this bank: how I am complete, in two volumes, will be pubto get money by issuing bits of paper, lished at the same time. If any gentleand make those gain who take the bits men have their sets of numbers incomof paper from me. plete, it will be necessary for them to

But it comes out at last that though complete them as soon as possible. The the shares are to be at five pounds each, last number will contain a description of "the committee have not the smallest the state of the kingdom with regard to "intention of ever calling for more its foreign affairs. It will also contain "than one pound on each share"! a history of the taxes and of the exThis is a curious thing; and yet this is to diffuse plenty and happiness over eight millions of people!

penses, during the twenty years of this most extravagant and squandering regency and reign. The amount of taxes, charges of management, interest of debt, charge for army, navy, ordnance, civil

But it is waste of time to say much here about this matter. I will say what I have to say at DUBLIN, and in every list, secret services, will be stated for the town in Ireland that I go to; and the whole of this regency and reign; and, hectoring and abuse of people like as I have brought this statement down these speech-makers and writers will to the close of the last year, it will be not make me believe that a country seen to what extent the country has which pours out food for a considerable gained by the reform of the Parliament, part of the inhabited world, does not and by the efforts of the Ministry; and contain its fair share of men of sense. it would be gross injustice not to acMany gentlemen that I have known, knowledge that it has gained a great and that I yet know, they being Irish-deal; though, in my opinion, not one men, have said to me: "Come and see half of what it ought to have gained, "Ireland with your own eyes: you will and what it must gain, and very speedily "find as many men of sound sense and too, if a revolution be to be avoided. It "judgment there as in any other coun- is very true that Lord GREY'S Ministry "try of like population." I believe this, has brought down the taxes collected at any rate, I am resolved to try it in a from the people from fifty-nine millions few weeks if I have life and health; and a year to fifty-two millions, notwiththough I cannot say precisely at pre-standing the horrible waste of money sent, in what way the thing can be ar- upon the blacks; but to continue to ranged, I shall be perfectly ready to raise fifty-two millions with wheat at meet the schemers, in any number, in the present price is absolutely impossithe same way that I did Mr. ATTWOOD, ble, without producing a convulsion in at BIRMINGHAM. I shall be a stranger, the country.

it is true. I do not know that I ever In this last chapter I have given an saw five people that are now in DUBLIN; account of the state of the working but my treatment must depend after all people, of the trades, and farmers, durupon the general feeling of the people; ing these twenty years; and of the and I will not for one single moment great sufferings of the people arising entertain the thought, that that feeling from the extravagance of the Governcan be hostile to me. At any rate, I ment. I have stated the rate of wages have a right to go, and go I will. compared with the price of provisions; so that the reader may see the cause of and long after the transaction took all the new and severe laws, and of all place. In short, this is the old cant of the innovations, on the constitution of the rascally rabble of mercenary writers England, which constitute the distin- who are hired to keep silence while the guishing mark of this regency and facts are fresh in the minds of the people. reign, the years of which exhibited a There is something so monstrous in the regular series of measures for hardening idea that those of one generation are to the laws, for heightening the quality write the history of another generation, of crimes, and for the invention and that common sense must ascribe it to a infliction of new and severe punish-base motive. I will let the nation see ments. that we are not a bit too near to this

Surprising nonsense it is to pretend regency and reign to be able to show that history is best to be written a very that then it was; partly before, to be long time after the death of the person sure; but that then in particular it was, whose history you write. Just the con- that the foundation of all these troubles, trary is the fact. What, not write the all these miseries, all this ruin, was history of a man till the transactions of laid; and that the nation, the Parliahis reign are forgotten, or the facts re-ment, the Ministers, are all now struglating to them are to be found but in a gling amidst the difficulties which were very few hands! If this were true, all then created. This history will be comthe maxims relative to the truth of evi- prised in two proper-sized duodecimo dence must be false. We are told that volumes; and when they go forth to we are TOO NEAR to the reign of his the world I put it in the power of every late Majesty to write a true history of young man in the kingdom to know as it. We are too near to write a false much as I myself know about the ruinhistory of it; but we cannot be too near ous measures, and the intolerable sufto write a true history of it, except, ferings of that regency and reign. indeed, that, as truth may be a libel, we

BUDGET.

may be too near to say certain things, for fear of getting singed. But, to say that we are too near to be able to write the truth is a most monstrous proposiNOTHING will ever satisfy ninety-nine tion. Why, then, as I once before ob- hundredths of the people until the maltServed, a man can judge best of a bottle tax be taken off taken off it must be of wine a year or two after he has if there be to be peace in England; but, drunk it. Poor OGDEN was, while in in the meanwhile the budget has given the dungeon at Horsemonger-lane, too great satisfaction in the country. The near to SIDMOUTH's blessings to be able house-tax and the servant-tax, trifling duly to estimate them. The starving as they were in amount, were monstrous Irish too near the blessings of benefi- in point of injury. It accidentally hapcent sway; and the poor Queen was a pens that a small farmer, seventy-five great deal too near to the "mild and years of age, is my next neighbour. If beneficent sway" (as Sir Robert PEEL, he rode one of his cart-horses to church called it) of her husband, to be able or to market, there was the saddleduly to appreciate its goodness. A horse-tax, and a tax for the servant to trial in a court of law is much more look after the horse. He has two miles likely to end in justice, when the transac- and a half to walk to church, and five tions to which it relates have taken miles and a half to a market, and there is place many years before, and when all his horse in the stable on a Sunday dothose who took an active part in it are ing nothing, and, to walk to the inarket dead! When a witness swears in refer- and back again is quite terrible for a ence to a written memorandum that he man of his age. Though exactly simihas made, he ought to be told that to lar cases are not frequently to be found, make his evidence good for any thing cases nearly similar are to be found in the memorandum must be written long every parish in the kingdom. A farmer

may be lame: no matter, he must walk If the members of the House of or stay at home. Then it was of all Peers, satisfied with the illustrious things of importance to remove an im- station assigned to them by the conpediment to a boy being kept in a farm- stitution, and willing to fulfil the duties house. Every part of the budget is ju- to society imposed on them by that dicious and good as far as it goes; and, station, were to bend from the exclusiveif a repeal of the malt-tax were added, ness of their manners, and mix more I should begin to hope that the country intimately with the people, they would might see better days, without a hub- know much more than they do of the bub revolution; and without any more people, instead of being deceived, as I of the beastly Malthusian nonsense. am afraid they are at present, by mere They may talk of the spirit of the age as hangers-on, who, it is to be feared, are long as they like; but the spirit of this now the only channels of their informage in England is what it was in all ation. If this exclusiveness was more other ages: an appetite for plenty of relaxed than it is, there would be no meat and bread, and a thirst for plenty occasion for their lordships to obtain of good beer. Let the working people information from my Lord Brougham, have these, and there will be no need as to the republican or anti-republican of bastilles and prison-dresses to keep opinions of the political economists as a them in order.

POOR-LAW BILL.

SIR, The Lord Chancellor, in his speech on the second reading of the Poor-Law Amendment Bill, devoted no very inconsiderable portion of his eloquence to a vindication of the eco

body, it being notorious to all those of the middle classes who mix with them, that they make no secret of their anxiety for the republican form of government, and that they abundantly use the battery of small wit against what they term the absurd prejudices in favour of hereditary distinctions.

And what is the republic which they are preparing for us? Is it the res pub

nomists of France from the charge lica or good of the whole? Is it a of entertaining republican opinions government founded on the interests prior to the first revolution in that and seeking the good of the productive country. What were the political millions? Oh no, this is not their opinions of those gentlemen at that theory. Their republic is to pull down period is now a matter of history, and all that mere money cannot now reach, is perhaps as well known to those he while it is to plunge the labouring addressed, as to his lordship himself. man into a still lower gulf, and make A far more interesting matter to their lordships is the question, What are the political principles of the English economists of the present day?

him a still more miserable instrument for increasing the stores of the wealthy capitalist.

Lord Brougham appears to have exhausted both his voice and his temper

I had the honour of addressing to you in May last, a letter on this very interest- with incessant repetition of the words ing question, and although I cannot ignorance and presumption, as applicasuppose that the Lord High Chancellor ble to all those who oppose the views of of England, in his vituperative denun- the economists; why what presumption ciation of those who charged his darling is equal to that of these self-complacent political economists with republicanism, philosophers? The laws of natural feelhad any reference to so inconsiderable a ings in all ages; the wisdom of the person as myself; yet, having put for- Bible; the testimony of the superior ward an opinion to that effect, I con- men of all past times; the experience sider it due to my own character that I of centuries in our social institutions, should justify any conscientious ad-and the present feelings of mankind, are herence to the opinion I have promul- all to stand as nothing before them, gated. and their pretended science of fifty