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which conferred a right of protection, and raise the tenant to a kind of estate superior to downright flavery, but inferior to every other condition. This they called villenage, and the tenants villeins, either from the word vilis, or else, as Sir Edward Coke tells us, à villa; because they lived chiefly in villages, and were employed in rustic works of the most fordid kind: like the Spartan belotes, to whom alone the culture of the lands was configned; their rugged masters, like our northern ancestors, esteeming war the only honourable employment of mankind.

These villeins, belonging principally to lords of manors, were either villeins regardant, that is, annexed to the manor or land; or else they were in gross, or at large, that is, annexed to the perfon of the lord, and transferrable by deed from one owner to another. They could not leave their lord without his permiffion; but if they ran away, or were purloined from him, might be claimed and recovered by action, like beasts or other chattels. They held indeed finall portions of land, by way of fullaining themselves and families; but it was at the mere will of the lord, who might dispossess them whenever he pleased; and it was upon villein services, that is, to carry out dung, to hedge and ditch the lord's demesnes, and any other the meaneft offices; and these fervices were not only bafe, but uncertain both as to their time and quantity. A villein, in short, was in much the same state with us, as lord Molesworth describes to be that of the boors in Denmark, and Stiernhook attributes also to the traals or slaves in Sweden; which confirms the probability of their being in some degree monuments of the Danish tyranny. A villein could acquire no property either in lands or goods; but, if he purchased either, the lord might enter upon them, oust the villein, and seize them to his own use, unless he contrived to difpose of them again before the lord had feized them; for the lord had then loft his opportunity.

In many places also a fine was payable to the lord, if the villein prefumed to marry his daughter to any one without leave from the lord: and, by the common law, the lord might alfo bring an action against the huf"band for damages in thus purloining his property. For the children of villeins were alfo in the same state of bondage with their parents, whence they were called in Latin, nativi, which gave rise to the female appellation of a villein, who was called a neife. In cafe of a marriage between a freemin

and a neife, or a villein and a free-woman, the issue followed the condition of the father, being free if he was free, and villein if he was villein; contrary to the maxim of civil law, that partus fequiter ventrem. But no bastard could be born a villein, because by another maxim of our law he is nullius filius: and as he can gain nothing by inhe. ritance, it were hard that he should lose his natural freedom by it. The law however protected the persons of villeins, as the king's subjects, against atrocious injuries of the lord: for he might not kill or maim his villein; though he might beat him with impunity, since the villein had no action or remedy at law against his lord, but in case of the murder of his ancestor, or the maim of his own perfor. Neifes indeed had also an appeal of rape, in case the lord violated them by force.

Villeins might be enfranchised by manumiffion, which is either express or implied: exprefs; as where a man granted to the villein a deed of manumiffion: implied; as where a man bound himself in a bond to his villein for a fum of money, granted him an annuity by deed, or gave him an estate in fee, for life or years: for this was dealing with his villein on the footing of a freeman; it was in fome of the instances giving him an action against his lord, and in others vefting an ownership in himentirely inconsistent with his former itate of bondage. So alfo if the lord brought an action against his villein, this enfranchised him; for, as the lord might have a short remedy against this villein, by seizing his goods (which was more than equivalent to any damages he could recover) the law, which is always ready to catch at anything in favour of liberty, prefumed, that by bringing this action he meant to fet his villein on the fame footing with himself, and therefore held it an implied manumiffion. But in cafe the lord indicted him for felony, it was otherwise; for the lord could not inflicta capital punishment on his villein, with out calling in the afsistance of the law.

Villeins, by this and many other means, in process of time gained confiderable ground on their lords; and in particular strengthened the tenure of their estates to that degree, that they came to have in them an interest in many places full as good, in others better than their lords. For the good-nature and benevolence of many lords of manors, having, time out of mind, permitted their villeins and their children to enjoy their possellions without interruption, in a regular course of defcent,

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the common law, of which custom is the life, now gave them title to prescribe against the lords; and, on performance of the fame services, to hold their lands, in spite of any determination of the lord's will. For, though in general they are still faid to hold their eftates at the will of the lord, yet it is such a will as is agreeable to the custom of the manor; which customs are preferved and evidenced by the rolls of the several courts-baron in which they are entered, or kept on foot by the conflant immemorial usage of the several manors in which the lands lie. And, as fuch tenants had nothing to thew for their estates but these customs, and admillions in pursuance of them, entered on those rolls, or the copies of fuch entries witnessed by the steward, they now began to be called tenants by copy of court roll,' and their tenure itself ' a copyhold.'

Thus copyhold tenures, as Sir Edward Coke observes, although very meanly descended, yet come of an ancient house; for, from what has been premised, it appears, that copyholds are in truth no other but villeins, who, by a long feries of im memorial encroachments on the lord, have at last established a customary right to those estates, which before were held absolutely at the lord's will: which affords a very substantial reason for the great variety of customs that prevail in different manors, with regard both to the defcent of the estates, and the privileges belonging to the tenants. And these encroachments grew to be so universal, that when tenure in villenage was abolished (though copyholds were referved) by the statute of Charles II. there was hardly a pure villein left in the nation. For Sir Thomas Smith testifies, that in all his time (and he was secretary to Edward VI.) he never knew any villein in gross throughout the realm; and the few villeins regardant that were then remaining were such only as had belonged to bishops, monafteries, or other ecclefiaftical corporations, in the preceding times of popery. For he tells us, that "the holy fathers, monks, and friars, had, in their confeffions, and specially in their extreme and deadly fickness, convinced the laity how dangerous a practice it was, for one Christian man to hold another in bondage: so that temporal men by little and little, by reason of that terror in their confciences, were glad to manumit all their villeins. But the faid holy fathers, with the abbots and priors, did not in like fort by theirs;

for they also had a fcruple in confcience to empoverish and despoil the church so much, as to manumit such as were bond to their churches, or to the manors which the church had gotten; and so kept their villeins still." By these several means the generality of villeins in the kingdom have long ago sprouted up into copyholders: their perfons being enfranchised by manumiffion or long acquiescence; but their estates in strictness, remaining subject to the fame fervile conditions and forfeitures as before; though, in general, the villein services are usually commuted for a small pecuniary quit-rent.

As a further confequence of what has been premised, we may collect these two main principles, which are held to be the supporters of a copyhold tenure, and without which it cannot exist: 1. That the lands be parcel of, and situate within, that manor, under which it is held. 2. That they have been demised, or demiseable, by copy of court-roll immemorially. For immemorial custom is the law of all tenures by copy: so that no new copyhold can, strictly speaking, be granted at this day.

In fome manors, where the custom hath been to permit the heir to fucceed the ancestor in his tenure, the estates are stiled copyholds of inheritance; in others, where the lords have been more vigilant to maintain their rights, they remain copyholds for life only for the custom of the manor has in both cafes so far superseded the will of the lord, that, provided the services be performed or stipulated for by fealty, he cannot, in the first instance, refuse to admit the heir of his tenant upon his death; nor, in the second, can he remove his present tenant so long as he lives, though he holds nominally by the precarious tenure of his lord's will.

The fruits and appendages of a copyhold tenure, that it hath in common with free tenures, are fealty, services, (as well in rents as otherwise) reliefs, and escheats. The two latter belong only to copyholds of inheritance; the former to those for life also. But, besides these, copyholds have also heriots, wardthip, and fines. Heriots, which I think are agreed to be a Danish custom, are a render of the best beast or other good (as the custom may be) to the lord on the death of the tenant. This is plainly a relic of villein tenure; there being originally lefs hardship in it, when all the goods and chattels belonged to the lord, and he might have seized them even 3 K 2

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in the villein's life-time. These are incident to both species of copyhold; but waraship and fines to those of inheritance only. Wardship, in copyhold eftates, partakes both of that in chivalry and that in focage. Like that in chivalry, the lord is the legal guardian, who usually affigns fome relation of the infant tenant to act in his stead: and he, like guardian in socage, is accountable to his ward for the profits. Of fines, fome are in the nature of primer seisins, due on the death of each tenant, others are mere fines for alienation of the lands: in fome manors only one of these forts can be demanded, in some both, and in others neither. They are sometimes arbitrary and at the will of the lord, fometimes fixed by custom: but, even when arbitrary, the courts of law, in favour of the liberty of copyholders, have tied them down to be reasonable in their extent; otherwise they might amount to a disheri

suffers the utmost severity of censure, or the more afflictive severity of neglect.

But words are only hard to those who do not understand them; and the critic ought always to enquire, whether he is incom. moded by the fault of the writer, or by his own.

Every author does not write for every reader; many questions are such as the illiterate part of mankind can have neither interest nor pleasure in difcuffing, and which therefore it would be an useless endeavour to levy with common minds, by tiresome circumlocutions or laborious explanations; and many fubjects of general use may be treated in a different manner, as the book is intended for the learned or the ignorant. Diffusion and explication are necessary to the inftruction of those who, being neither able nor accustomed to think for themselves, can learn only what is expressly taught; but they who can form

son of the estate. No fine therefore is al-parallels, discover confequences, and mul

Iowed to be taken upon descents and alienations (unless in particular circumstances) of more than two years improved value of the estate. From this instance we may judge of the favourable disposition, that the law of England (which is a law of liberty) hath always shewn to this species of tenants; by removing, as far as possible, every real badge of flavery from them, however fome nominal ones may continue. It suffered custom very early to get the better of the exprefs terms upon which they held their lands; by declaring, that the will of the lord was to be interpreted by the custom of the manor; and, where no cuf. tom has been suffered to grow up to the prejudice of the lord, as in this case of arbitrary fines, the law itself interposes in an equitable method, and will not fuffer the lord to extend his power so far as to disin herit the tenant.

Blackstone's Commentaries.

§58. Hard Words defended.

Few faults of style, whether real or imaginary, excite the malignity of a more numerous class of readers, than the use of hard words.

If an author be fsupposed to involve his thoughts in voluntary obscurity, and to obstruct, by unnecessary difficulties, a mind eager in pursuit of truth; if he writes not to make others learned, but to boaft the learning which he possesses himself, and wishes to be admired rather than understood, he counteracts the first end of writing, and juitly

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tiply conclufions, are best pleased with involution of argument and compreffion of thought, they defire only to receive the feeds of knowledge which they may branch out by their own power, to have the way to truth pointed out which they can then follow without a guide.

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The Guardian directs one of his pupils to think with the wife, but speak with the vulgar." This is a precept specious enough, but not always practicable. Difference of thoughts will produce difference of language. He that thinks with more extent than another will want words of larger meaning; he that thinks with more fubtilty will seek for terms of more nice difcrimination; and where is the wonder, since words are but the images of things, that he who never knew the originals should not know the copies?

Yet vanity inclines us to find faults any where rather than in ourselves. He that reads and grows wiser, seldom suspects his own deficiency; but complains of hard words and obfcure fentences, and asks why books are written which cannot be understood.

Among the hard words which are no longer to be used, it has been long the cuftom to number terms of art. " Every man (fays Swift) is more able to explain the fubject of an art than its professors; a farmer will tell you in two words, that he has broken his leg; but a furgeon, after a long discourse, shall leave you as ignorant as you were before." This could only have

have been faid but by such an exact observer of life, in gratification of malignity, or in oftentation of acuteness. Every hour produces instances of the neceffity of terms of art. Mankind could never confpire in uniform affectation; it is not but by neceffity that every science and every trade has its peculiar language. They that content themselves with general ideas may rest in general terms; but those whose studies or employments force them upon closer inspection, must have names for particular parts, and words by which they may express various modes of combination, such as none but themselves have occafion to confider.

Artists are indeed sometimes ready to suppofe, that none can be strangers to words to which themselves are familiar, talk to an incidental enquirer as they talk to one another, and make their knowledge ridiculous by injudicious obtrusion. An art cannot be taught but by its proper terms, but it is not always necessary to teach the art. That the vulgar express their thoughts clearly is far from true; and what perspicuity can be found among them proceeds not from the easiness of their language, but the shallowness of their thoughts. He that fees a building as a common spectator, contents himself with relating that it is great or little, mean or splendid, lofty or low; all these words are intelligible and common, but they convey no diftinct or limited ideas; if he attempts, without the terms of architecture, to delineate the parts, or enumerate the ornaments, his narration at once becomes unintelligible. The terms, indeed, generally displease, because they are understood by few; but they are little understood only, because few that look upon an edifice examine its parts or analyse its columns into their members.

The state of every other art is the fame; as it is cursorily surveyed or accurately examined, different forms of expression become proper. In morality it is one thing to difcuss the niceties of the cafuift, and another to direct the practice of common life, In agriculture, he that instructs the farmer to plough and fow, may convey his notions without the words which he would find ne.. cessary in explaining to philosophers the process of vegetation; and if he, who has nothing to do but to be honest by the shorteft way, will perplex his mind with fubtle speculations; or if he whose task is to reap and thrash, will not be contented without examining the evolution of the feed and

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§59. Discontent, the common Lot of all Mankind.

Such is the emptiness of human enjoyments, that we are always impatient of the present. Attainment is followed by neglect, and possession by disgust; and the malicious remark of the Greek epigrammatist on marriage, may be applied to every other course of life, that its two days of happinefs are the first and the last.

Few moments are more pleasing than those in which the mind is concerting measures for a new undertaking. From the first hint that wakens the fancy to the hour of actual execution, all is improvement and progress, triumph and felicity. Every hour brings additions to the original scheme, suggests fome new expedient to secure fuccess, or discovers consequential advantages not hitherto foreseen. While preparations are made and materials accumulated, day glides after day through elysian prospects, and the heart dances to the fong of hope.

Such is the pleasure of projecting, that many content themselves with a fucceffion of visionary schemes, and wear out their allotted time in the calm amusement of contriving what they never attempt or hope to execute.

Others, not able to feast their imagination with pure ideas, advance somewhat nearer to the grosiness of action, with great diligence collect whatever is requifite to their design, and, after a thousand researches and consultations, are snatched away by death, as they stand in procinctu waiting for a proper opportunity to begin.

If there were no other end of life, than to find some adequate folace for every day, I know not whether any condition could be preferred to that of the man who involves himself in his own thoughts, and never fuffers experience to show him the vanity of speculation; for no fooner are notions reduced to practice, than tranquillity and confidence forfake the breast; every day brings its task, and often without bringing abilities to perform it: difficulties embarrass, uncertainty perplexes, oppofition retards, cenfure exasperates, or neglect depresses. We proceed, because we have begun; we complete our design, that the labour already spent may not be vain: but as expectation gradually dies away, the 3 K 3

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gay smile of alacrity disappears, we are neceffitated to implore feverer powers, and trust the event to patience and conftancy.

When once our labour has begun, the comfort that enables us to endure it is the prospect of its end; for though in every long work there are some joyous intervals of felf-applause, when the attention is recreated by unexpected facility, and the imagination foothed by incidental excellencies not comprised in the first plan, yet the toil with which performance struggles after idea, is so irksome and disgusting, and so frequent is the neceffity of resting below that perfection which we imagined within our reach, that feldom any man obtains more from his endeavours than a painful conviction of his defects, and a continual refufcitation of defires which he feels himself unable to gratify.

So certainly is weariness and vexation the concomitant of our undertakings, that every man, in whatever he is engaged, consoles himself with the hope of change. He that has made his way by affiduity and vigilance to public employment, talks among his friends of nothing but the delight of retirement: he whom the necessity of folitary application secludes from the world, liftens with a beating heart to its distant noifes, longs to mingle with living beings, and refolves, when he can regulate his hours by his own choice, to take his fill of merriment and diversions, or to display his abilities on the universal theatre, and enjoy the pleasure of distinction and applaufe.

Every defire, however innocent or na tural, grows dangerous, as by long indulgence it becomes afcendant in the mind. When we have been much accustomed to confider any thing as capable of giving happiness, it is not easy to restrain our ardour, or to forbear some precipitation in our advances, and irregularity in our pursuits. He that has long cultivated the tree, watched the swelling bud and opening bloffom, and pleased himself with computing how much every fun and shower added to its growth, scarcely stays till the fruit has obtained its maturity, but defeats his own cares by eagerness to reward them. When we have diligently laboured for any purpose, we are willing to believe that we have attained it; and because we have already done much, too fuddenly conclude that no more is to be done.

All att action is encreased by the approach of the attracting body. We never

find ourselves so desirous to finish, as in the latter part of our work, or so impatient of delay, as when we know that delay cannot be long. Part of this unseafonable importunity of discontent may be justly imputed to langour and weariness, which must always oppress us more as our toil has been longer continued; but the greater part ufually proceeds from frequent contemplation of that ease which we now confider as near and certain, and which, when it has once flattered our hopes, we cannot fuffer to be longer withheld.

Rambler.

§ 60. Feodal System; History of its Rife and Progress.

The conftitution of feuds had its origi nal from the military policy of the Northern or Celtic nations, the Goths, the Hunns, the Franks, the Vandals, and the Lombards, who, all migrating from the same officina gentium, as Craig very juftly intitles it, poured themselves in vaft quantities into all the regions of Europe, at the declension of the Roman empire. It was brought by them from their own countries, and continued in their respective colonies as the most likely means to secure their new acquifitions: and, to that end, large districts or parcels of land were allotted by the conquering general to the fuperior officers of the army, and by them dealt out again in smaller parcels or allotments to the inferior officers and moft deserving foldiers. These allotments were ca'led feoda, feuds, fiefs, or fees; which last appellation, in the northern languages, fignifies a conditional flipend or reward. Rewards or ftipends they evidently were: and the condition annexed to them was, that the poffeffor should do service faithfully, both at home and in the wars, to him by whom they were given; for which purpose he took the juramentum fidelitatis, or oath of fealty: and in cafe of the breach of this condition and oath, by not performing the ftipulated fervice, or by deferting the lord in battle, the lands were again to revert to him who granted them.

Allotments thus acquired, naturally engaged such as accepted them to defend them: and, as they all sprang from the fame right of conquelt, no part could fubfift independent of the whole; wherefore all givers, as well as receivers, were mutually bound to defend each other's poffeffions. But, as that could not effectually be done in a tumultuous, irregular way, govern.

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