1882 the Democratic party carried the lower House of Congress, and the first indications warranted the belief that Samuel J. Randall would be again placed in the Speakership he had so worthily filled. His knowledge of Parliamentary law, his mastery of tactics, and his long services to his party called for his election; but the Whisky Ring did not want him. The methods of the Whisky Ring were well known; they wanted an internal revenue duty so high that small dealers could not compete with them; they also wanted to take their own time about paying this tax; and they were particularly fond of having their whisky stored in government warehouses. It was a fine arrangement for the whisky distillers; they put their whisky into the warehouses for a long period; at the end of the period they took it out and sold it. Of course a certain amount had evaporated, and the duties were paid on what remained. Meanwhile the whisky had improved with time, and the smaller quantity taken out was more valuable than the larger quantity originally stored.

Randall did not regard this system as too sacred to be disturbed, hence the Whisky Ring marked him for the slaughter and succeeded in electing Carlisle, a man of ability and eloquence, but far below Randall in fitness for so high a trust. The wails about the tyranny of Protection, the need of low duties, the demand for enlarged commerce-all this was eloquently set forth. Watterson gave to the newspaper reading world the undying phrase, "the star-eyed goddess of reform," although the barmaid of a Kentucky tavern would have been a more suitable emblem. Day after day the Whisky Ring entertained the masses with protests against "tariff monopoly," and "the

a

Southern

robber barons," until Democratic paper, nauseated by this hypocrisy, bluntly said, "Whenever we read an editorial about the 40 per cent. tariff monopoly, we look out for the 400 per cent. whisky monopoly." For years an active campaign against the tariff was kept up by two forces, the importers who desired to bring in cheap foreign goods, and the whisky distillers who wanted to create a diversion, so that their comfortable arrangement would remain unmolested. A few college clubs of very young men and possibly twenty dreamy professors believed that Carlisle represented a lofty ideal while Randall was the tool of the rolling mills and iron foundries; but there was not a page or a newsboy in Washington who did not understand the game.

American Protectionists have met the old colonial prejudice against manufactures, the hostility of the slave-holding South to workshops operated by free laborers, the British policy of stifling American competition, and the Whisky Ring tactics of the Carlisle era. There is also a vague force, always more or less influential, the abstract belief that a Protective tariff wrongs the poor. Such men as the late John A. Johnson, the sturdy Governor of Minnesota, have honestly condemned Protection on that ground. But this, as Lincoln used to say, reminds us of a little story. Many a Philadelphian remembers Thomas Webster, the upright, whole-hearted, kindly and fair minded. For years Webster favored the free trade policy, not on grounds of personal interest, but because he believed that it would benefit the masses of the people. A zealous Free Trader, in talking with Webster, denounced the woolen schedule in the tariff, especially the blanket throw the employes out of work to save twenty-five cents on a pair of blankets. His free trade views died, never to come to life again.

No research was necessary to gather these features of our tariff history. They were all well known in their time and are merely noted "lest we forget." It is not useless to group them in order that young men who cast their first votes next fall may understand the hollowness of tariff reform pretensions.

London, Apr. 1, 1910.

The world is inundated with rival theories of political economy and with the battlecries of political parties. But far and above all the questions involved in such theories and contentions, there stands out one problem which towers far above all others. Indeed, in comparison with it there is no other question to be considered. I refer to the subpect of population. If the Old and the New World contains statesmen worthy of the name it should engage their most serious attention. Unless there is a radical alteration in fifty years' time England will have shrunk -from a population point of viewinto a second rate power; and with the decline of population we know that political power must decrease. Mr. Roosevelt saw the danger to the United States when he addressed the American people on this matter on more than one occasion. It is just as much a New World problem as an Old World difficulty.

In Germany the migration from town to town is going on even more

rapidly than in England. Less than 5 per cent. of the people of the German Empire lived, in 1871, in towns of more than 100,000 people; but in 1905 this had increased to 19 per cent. In England in 1871 the percentage of the people living in towns was 27 1/2, and in 1905, 35 per cent., or an increase of 7 1/2 per cent. In Germany it had increased by 14 per cent.; while in the Fatherland towns of 25,000 and more attract dwellers in the country with a force proportionate to their size. Towns of 2,000 or less appear to stand still or diminish. Also in Germany the number of people born and brought up in the same town is diminishing. In Essen, a large industrial centre, no fewer than 61 per cent. were immigrants. Germany it is true has a much higher birth rate than England. In 1898-1908 it was 34 per 1,000 against 27.8 in England and Wales. But two factors modify this. One is that the general death rate is higher in Germany (19.7 per 1,000 against 16.1 in England and Wales. Also the birth rate in Ger

many is falling more rapidly than in England. In the first five years the figures were respectively 20.5 and 17; in the second five years 18.7 and 15.3. Infant mortality is much higher in Germany than in England. Of 100,000 children born in England, 17,186 generally die within a year. In Germany 23,386 die within one year. In another way, 234 German male babies per 1,000 die before the first year against 132 English boys; while the figures for girls are respectively 199 and 141. The birth rate always tends to fall off more decidedly in the large towns; and as Germany is building up great towns, that process must be considered as a check to the growth of population.

German statesmen will soon be compelled to consider the difficult problem which for long has been before France, and to which allusion has also been made in the United States, and that is the reluctance of the over-civilized to take their share of the responsibility for the continuance of the race.

Probably a feature of society half a century hence will be the smallness of the families. The large family will have died out except among the aliens. It is in the alien district of London that the largest families are to be found at present. The law that the inferior stock multiplies and kills the superior will be seen at work more vigorously than ever. This is one explanation of the declining birth rate among the working class today; for British working-class parents of good antecedents, in the words which the American economist, General Francis Walker, used of the native stock in the United States, have "become increasingly

unwilling to bring forth sons and daughters who will be compelled to compete in the market for labor and in the walks of life with those whom they do not recognize as of their own grade and condition." They will not send forth their offspring to fight with a lower standard, and to risk sinking to the condition of that lower standard. And thus, gradually, inch by inch, the lower standard of living will encroach upon the higher, unless it be checked by legislative means. Even then the battle is often only transferred to another field, for the struggle between the standards is world-wide, fierce and persistent.

In England, if present conditions continue, the cities, in 1950, will have grown by the absorption of the country population. The rural population will have further and greatly declined. No feature of the last century was more striking than the immense gain of the urban districts upon the rural districts, and it continues as yet quite undiminished. There are influences which may eventually counteract it, such as the growing use of electricity for power, as electricity is capable of being transmitted from central stations to great distances. Also the exhaustion of the most productive coal fields in England, which will be at hand in 1950, may then have altered all the conditions of production and manufacture and, perhaps, have worked some redistribution of the population and a decline in some cities. The great problem appears to be to prevent people from flocking to the big cities and to increase the attractiveness of the country. F. C. CHAPPELL.

duty. "If I could repeal that cursed duty on blankets," he said, "I could shut every mill in this country within three months." "Suppose you could," replied Webster, "how much reduction in price would you make to the consumer?" The zeal abated, the tariff reformer mused, and said, "Oh, I guess I'd let him have them for twenty-five cents a pair less than he gets them now." Webster concluded that it was hardly worth while to bankrupt the manufacturers and

throw the employes out of work to save twenty-five cents on a pair of blankets. His free trade views died, never to come to life again.

No research was necessary to gather these features of our tariff history. They were all well known in their time and are merely noted "lest we forget." It is not useless to group them in order that young men who cast their first votes next fall may understand the hollowness of tariff reform pretensions.

London, Apr. 1, 1910.

The world is inundated with rival theories of political economy and with the battlecries of political parties. But far and above all the questions involved in such theories and contentions, there stands out one problem which towers far above all others. Indeed, in comparison with it there is no other question to be considered. I refer to the subpect of population. If the Old and the New World contains statesmen worthy of the name it should engage their most serious attention. Unless there is a radical alteration in fifty years' time England will have shrunk -from a population point of viewinto a second rate power; and with the decline of population we know that political power must decrease. Mr. Roosevelt saw the danger to the United States when he addressed the American people on this matter on more than one occasion. It is just as much a New World problem as an Old World difficulty.

In Germany the migration from town to town is going on even more

rapidly than in England. Less than 5 per cent. of the people of the German Empire lived, in 1871, in towns of more than 100,000 people; but in 1905 this had increased to 19 per cent. In England in 1871 the percentage of the people living in towns was 27 1/2, and in 1905, 35 per cent., or an increase of 7 1/2 per cent. In Germany it had increased by 14 per cent.; while in the Fatherland towns of 25,000 and more attract dwellers in the country with a force proportionate to their size. Towns of 2,000 or less appear to stand still or diminish. Also in Germany the number of people born and brought up in the same town i diminishing. In Essen large i dustrial centre, no few han 61 cent. were immigran is true has a much than England. In 34 per 1,000 agains and Wales. But this. One is that rate is higher in 1,000 against I Wales. Also th

unwilling to bring forth sons ar.d daughters who will be compelled to compete in the market for labor and in the walks of life with those w they do not recognize as of their own. grade and condition." They wil no send forth their offspring to y with a lower standard, and to sinking to the condition of that lowe standard. And thus, gradually, we by inch, the lower standard of living will encroach upon the higher, m less it be checked by legislat means. Even then the batik often only transferred to anothe field, for the struggle between in. standards is world-wide, Theree

In England, if present condin continue, the cities, in ig have grown by the absorption se country population. The ulation will have further declined. No feature oitessen tury was more striking tan thes mense gain of the am

upon the rural districts and it con tinues as yet quisies.

There are influencesy eventually counteser/tran the growing use secinity for power, as electricityscape of being transmitted frontation great distancos fion of t fields in Ban

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