THE MAJORITY SHOULD RULE.

From the Speech of Hon. J. Sloat Fassett, of New York, in the House of Representatives, March 17.

We have developed inside of the Constitution, and outside of the Constitution, in accordance with the genius of our blood and our people, a government of a great people by great parties, parties that depend for their charters upon the votes of a free people from the various sections of the country, the highest source from which governmental charters have ever proceeded, ever can proceed, or ever will proceed. Men who hold elective office in this country hold such office in every case because the majority of the qualified electors in their districts have given them a mandate to proceed to carry out the promises which the party the candidates represent had made; and good faith and the rules of the game require that men who have received such a trust shall discharge it for the benefit of the estate in strict accord with the terms of the trust. Any man is reprobated properly who betrays any trust that is given to him, whether it be an alderman, a supervisor, a member of the assembly, a state senator, or as a Member of Congress.

In this House we are divided by one great line of separation, invisible, but recognizable as clearly as that center aisle is recognizable. On one side are men who have come from constituencies who believe, however misguidedly, in the promises and platforms, in the principles, and in the purposes of the Democratic party. On the other side are men who come here because

a majority of the people in their districts, seeing them nominated upon Republican platforms, accepting the Republican trust, believed they were going to come here as Republicans and govern themselves according to the purposes of the entire Republican party officially expressed. So every man who is a man, and not a jellyfish, is a partisan. It is not wrong to be a partisan, especially when partisanship addresses itself to the highest purposes of patriotism. We were all elected by partisans because we were partisans, and as such represented party purposes as expressed by party platforms. None of us received any commission to betray his party at any time, but each of us was elected by majorities which expected us to act with the majority of our party associates on all party matters. I take it that no Democrat was elected to cooperate with our party, nor was any Republican elected to hand over the Republican control of this House to our political opponents.

A man ought to have opinions and convictions. He ought not to be a political chocolate eclair. He has a right to his individual liberty of opinion and action; always, however, within the limits of the trust which has been bestowed upon him and which he has accepted from his party to act with the majority.

Now parties, like governments, provide machinery whereby men may adjust differences of opinion. If we have 200 men on this side, I believe they are likely to have, if not 200 different opinions, at least 200 different kinds of opinion on almost any one of the great questions that concern the people of the United States, and we have planned to meet together and compare views. In my judgment, the place to adjust differences of opinion on unimportant questions, and on important questions of public policy and party policy is not in public, where one minority uniting with another minority may make a temporary majority; but in the family caucus, where we may adjust our opinions and govern ourselves, as representative government must always be controlled, by an expression properly taken in a proper place, of the will of the majority of those qualified to speak. In this way only can party efficiency and unity be maintained and party responsibility as distinguished from personal whim be preserved.

Now, Mr. Speaker, for seven years the present occupant of the Chair has been known to us and to the country as our Speaker, "Uncle Joe." He is the same man now as then, with the same attitude toward men and toward the rules, the fairest presiding officer I have ever had the good luck to sit beneath. Twice by unanimous vote of Democrats and Republicans publicly thanked for his fairness. [Applause.] Lauded in private, exalted and reverenced in secret, but under the pressure of untoward and abhorrent forces, which I will not stop to recount, he is held up by political opponents for selfish reasons as a political bugaboo by the very men who will extol him in private. I say that his record in the Speaker's chair challenges comparison with the record made by any presiding officer since the beginning of this country. [Applause on the Republican side.] And the only critics of the Speaker, without exception, will be men who

are sore, men who are angry, because, like my friend from New York (Mr. Fish), their particular legislative baby has not been taken out of the committee cradle first. [Laughter and applause.]

There are 30,000 legislative babies in our committee crib. Some must come out first; but without discussing that, Mr. Speaker, the organization of this House is the same, and the rules are the same, that we have lived under for seven years under which we blessed the country in the Fifty-eighth, Fiftyninth, and the Sixtieth Congresses. Then we had these same rules. Then we had this same crystallized wisdom of one hundred and thirty years of parliamentary experience to guide us. At any time the minority could, if it pleased, pass two weeks in roll calls to call the attention of the country to things both sides agreed to. The minority is protected by law the same as the weak man is protected by laws outside. And look at the record! Look at the splendid Republican laws Congress has rolled up under these rules and under this Speaker-a magnificent record, unsurpassed, nay, unparalleled for constructive statesmanship and for beneficent results to our people, in the history of the legislation in any country. I need not ask you to take my word alone. I have a witness whom I will summon presently.

This is not a question, gentlemen - be not deceived this is not a question merely of a change of rules. It is a question of a change of party control. It is a question of losing grip. It is a question of whether or not the powers of this Republican majority are to be emasculated by an unnatural and abhorrent alliance with our natural born enemies. [Laughter and applause on the Republican side.) If these rules are to be changed, they should be changed as the tariff was changed, not by their enemies, but by their friends. No; the first man to run to the cover of an efficient code of rules, mark my words, if the country should establish the Democracy in power, would be our friends on the other side, and the man over the hurdles first would be the distinguished orator from Missouri, who expects to be the Democratic Speaker. (Laughter and applause.]

Do you suppose he would consent to trust 15 of the wild, untamed steeds of the Democracy to fix his rules or to name his committees which are to make him responsible to the great 46 States of this Union? No; the gentleman is far too canny, too wise, too prudent, and too experienced. We have much at stake, far higher and greater than satisfaction of any man's resentment; it is the success of the Republican party's program-the program we were sent here by Republicans to carry out. It is the success of Taft's administration. (Applause on the Republican side.) It is the success or defeat of our great party. The country is not ready yet to transfer from us to our friends on the other side, of 50 years of proven incompetency, the powers of this country to carry out the wishes of this people.

To substitute disorganization for organization, to substitute disorder for order, to substitute personal whim for party responsibility, to substitute the desire of two minorities to become a majority for the legally

elected majority, to bereave the American people of its duly elected majority, is just as wrong now as it was in 1906, and those men who are eager here to assert their independence on this side, it seems to me, should again do, as we have all done in the past, subordinate their personal preferences to the opinions of an overwhelming majority of their Republican associates. In the light of the greater need of the greater people outside, in the need for remedial legislation, in view of the voices summoning us from every valley, from every hill, from every industry, every enterprise, let us do our work as Republicans because the Republican people summoned us to it.

OUR EXPORTS ANALYZED.

BY WALTER J. BALLARD.

Though in 1909 calendar year as compared with 1908, we suffered a shrinkage of $11,500,000 in our exports of wheat flour ($49,900,000 against $61,500,000), yet the value of such exports in the seven months ended January, 1910, was only $1,500,000 less than that for the preceding corresponding period ($33,400,000 against $34,900,000).

In the January, 1910, months, we did well in automobiles, $4,491,000, a gain of $2,220,000, or over 100 per cent. Canada was our largest buyer, $1,627,000, an increase of nearly $1,000,000. On a purchase of $1,060,000, shipments to Great Britain also increased by $378,000. Sales to France, Germany, Mexico, West Indies, South America, British Australasia, British East Indies, Africa and other countries also increased. It will not be long before

we shall be exporting $15,000,000 to $20,000,000 worth of automobiles yearly.

we

In agricultural implements gained $1,500,000; from $11,300,000 to $12,800,000. The largest buyers were Argentina, $4,200,000 (increase $800,000), Russia, $2,500,000, and Canada, $1,262,000 (increase $386,ooo). France also increased her purchases by $327,000, and British Australia bought $300,000 worth more.

Chemicals, drugs, dyes and medicines figure for $12,560,000, a gain of $1,338,000. The gain was well distributed along the entire list.

Bituminous coal exports reached a value of $15,795,000, or $1,126,000 more than in January, 1909, seven months. As usual, Canada was our largest buyer of bituminous coal, as also of anthracite-$18,800,000.

This seven months' exports of green or raw coffee totaled 24,138,coo pounds, worth $3,039,000, an increase of 8,000,000 pounds and $933,000.

Copper brought us $56,000,000, of whcih $10,000,000 was increase, towards which Great Britain contributed $8,200,000, and "Other Europe," $1,200,000.

Raw cotton led all the exports with a value of $323,611,000, a net increase of $30,000,000. Germany paid $16,000,000 of the increase, France, $19,000,000, Belgium, $1,000,000 and Canada, $2,700,000. The chief decreases were Spain, $3,500,000, Great Britain, $5,000,000 and Japan, $3,000,000.

The somewhat large revival experienced in the fore part of last year in our sales of cotton clothes to China seems to have lessened in recent months, because on $3,500,000 sales in this seven months, the in

crease was only $800,000, and the entire exports of $11,700,000 only show a gain of $1,100,000. In cotton goods of all kinds the exports were $18,700,000, an increase of $2,500,000.

Dynamite, Gunpowder, cartridges and other explosives brought us $3,017,000, an increase of $1,108,000.

Canned salmon gave us $5,706,000 of foreign money-$2,615,000 more than in the corresponding preceding period. The value of Alaska tells in that item.

In fruits and nuts (almost all fruits) we did well, gaining $2,358,ooo on total exports of $14,603,000. Our best buyers were Great Britain, Germany, Canada and the Netherlands.

Furs and furskins totaled a value of $7,012,000 and gained $3,100,000. Ninety per cent. went to Germany, Great Britain and Canada.

All the principal countries, except Japan, bought more of our steel rails, giving us a total sale of $6,252,ooo, with an increase of $2,400,000, towards which Argentina contributed nearly $2,000,000. Mexico bought $1,306,000 worth.

Iron and steel plates are down for $6,200,000, an increase of $2,200,000; wire, $4,609,000 (increase, $800,ooo); builder's hardware, $7,603,000 (increase, $1,025,000); metal-working machinery, $2,866,000 (increase, $719,000); printing presses, $1,118,ooo (increase, $246,000); pumps and pumping machinery, $1,757,000 (increase, $316,000); sewing machines, $4,008,000 (increase, $757,000); typewriters, $4,308,000 (increase, $683,coo); and pipes and fittings, $5,654,ooo (increase, $1,445,000).

Leather of all kinds scheduled at $20,709,000, an increase of $3,130, 000, exclusive of $1,300,000 increase on a total export of $6,252,000 worth of boots and shoes. Cuba led with $1,514,000 in the purchase of the latter, followed by Great Britain for nearly $1,000,000 worth, and Mexico for $808,000 worth.

Tobacco (unmanufactured) contributed $26,349,000 in the seven months, an increase of $6,261,000. The increase was general as to countries, and the leading buyers were, in order as named, Great Britain, Germany, Italy, France, Netherlands, Canada, Spain, British Australasia and Belgium. We sent abroad $1,259,000 worth of cigarettes, but only $21,834 worth of cigars. Plug tobacco brought us $862,000 and tobacco prepared for smoking, $436,

234.

Wood and its manufactures list for $41,722,000, an increase of $4,909,000, of which lumber gave us $3,900,000 and furniture, $700,000.

Material increases also occurred in the January, 1910, seven months, over January, 1909, seven months, in our exports of aluminum, brass and its manufactures, celluloid and its manufactures, artworks, cement, clocks and watches, earthenware, glass and glassware, glucose, hops, India-rubber goods, electrical appliances, phonographs and records, cash registers, castings, firearms, laundry machinery, windmills, woodworking machinery, nails and spikes, safes, scales, stoves, jewelry, lamps, motor-boats, musical instruments, naval stores, nickel, lubricating oil, paints and colors, paper and its manufactures, paraffin and wax, perfumery, photographic goods, plated ware, quicksilver, salt, starch, toys, varnish, wool manufactures and many other articles.

Figures of the Bureau of Statistics, Department of Commerce and Labor, quoted herein.

This analysis of our exports is decidedly encouraging, particularly as to manufactures. On the other side the discouragements are a $23,000,ooo drop in breadstuffs, $18,000,000 in meat and dairy products, and about $4,000,000 in mineral oils.

WAGES AND LIVING IN AMERICA.

Correspondence of the Yorkshire (Eng.) Observer.

In order to put before the public a correct statement of the comparative cost of living, together with the wages paid in England and America, it is advisable to have as near as possible the same conditions both as to locality and the quality of work. As chairman of a company with mills in Clayton and Bradford, and president of a corporation with mills in Greystone, near Providence, Rhode Island, America, I am in a practical position to weigh the advantages and disadvantages of Free-trade and Protection.

The English and American mills comb, spin and weave exactly the same classes of wool, alpaca and mohair, and the same qualities of yarns and cloth are interchangeable. The machinery in all the mills are identically the same. Many of the workpeople at Greystone worked in our Bradford mills. At Clayton and Greystone are co-operative stores managed entirely by the workingmen, and it would be very difficult, if not impossible, to obtain fairer conditions for comparing the cost of living in the two countries.

A great amount of discussion is now being carried on regarding the