ment when they were only trying to manufacture it.

Pathetic is the condition of those Senators and Representatives who made this mistake, and trailed away clear out of the Republican reservation into the bad lands of Populism.

I do not believe that in Ohio, nor in the old Eighteenth District, that it has become discreditable to believe in the doctrines which the immortal McKinley taught, nor to stand for the principles to which he devoted his life.

Let every Republican rest secure in the assurance that his position is right. The Payne bill will vindicate itself. It has most grandly done so already. It has demonstrated in the most marked way the falsity of this new philosophy that has taken possession of the erstwhile Republican newspapers.

Wherever the tariff was revised downward the prices have advanced. The few reductions of prices to the American consumer have come where duties were advanced.

Behind the publishers' association, with their grouch and their scream in the air in this great conspiracy to manufacture Democratic sentiment in this country, was an association of Americans who are investing their capital in foreign factories for the sole purpose of avoiding the payment of the American standard of wages and the shorter hours of labor of employees in American factories.

When this becomes known every man that works with his hands in America, if he be not absolutely blind to his own interests, must join our standard.

brighter for an overwhelming victory.

I indignantly resent the imputation that the Payne bill was not a fulfillment of our party pledge.

Who is to officially interpret for the Republican party its platforma few insurgents, who thought that Iowa and Wisconsin had deserted the standard of protection because Herman Ridder and his newspapers said so, or is it to be interpreted by the majority of the Republican Representatives and Senators, who still belong, in fact as well as in name, to the party of Lincoln, McKinley, Roosevelt, and Taft?

The majority interpretation of our platform is the Payne bill, and while it is not perhaps as I would have made it, it is the interpretation of the majority of my party, and I stand for every schedule in it. (Applause on the Republican side.)

I wish to adopt as my words the statement that Roosevelt made to George William Curtis at the Republican national convention that nominated James G. Blaine. When Mr. Curtis appealed directly to him, after asking the New York delegation to walk out of that convention with him, Roosevelt rose in his place and said:

"I will not walk out with you. I listened to every word of your great speech and assented to all of it. I came here, as you did, to urge my wish and my will upon this convention, but I came also to submit my will and my judgment to the will and the judgment of the majority of this convention. I will not walk out with you."

but it is my bill, even to schedule K, that has been so much maligned and so little understood.

If we had made the tremendous blunder of putting wool on the free list, as the Cleveland Leader and the Ohio State Journal advocated and demanded, what do you imagine would have been the price of woolens when the last sheep had disappeared from our hills? We would then be entirely dependent upon foreign woolens for our clothing. You are paying to-day a thousand per cent of profit to the importer on every drink of tea you use, 300 per cent on your coffee, and the only way to protect yourself against extortion from combinations beyond our jurisdiction is to quit using tea and coffee. But you could not stop the use of woolens; and the American people, in their blindness, I trust, will never make this experiment. Rather, a thousand times rather, increase the duty on wool and woolens by a regular annual increase, until we coerce the American people into raising sheep enough to at least supply all our own clothing. The best rule for the government of an individual in public life is to be sure, if you can, that you are right, then trust the people to be right.

The sudden increase of free-trade sentiment which the Publishers' Association were able to manufacture is at its very height. It will soon begin to come back, and when it does come back it will come with the tremendous returning sweep of a tidal wave that follows an earthquake shock. It cannot be delayed until after November next. But if this be a mistaken belief, let us stand by our principles; let us go to defeat like men and not like cringing cowards.

If we fail in carrying the next House, I sincerely trust that a few Members will be elected who will represent the doctrines of protection as believed in by the great leaders of that idea in the past-by Lincoln, who summarized in his homely, pointed way in a single sentence the whole great subject, the substance of which was: "I know little about the tariff, but if we produce the things we need in place of buying them from abroad we will have both that which we desire and the money which they would cost and have furnished labor for our workingmen."

I spoke before a Republican convention at Youngstown on the 4th of this month, and said substantially what I have said here.

The criticism which followed from such newspapers as the Cleveland Leader was unstinted. In columns of fervid editorial we were told of how high-minded and noble an organization was the Publishers' Association. Many of us were amazed to learn for the first time that it only included about 300 newspapers. supposed that there were thousands of them from the big noise they made.

I

I deplore the tendency of the Publishers' Association to call in question the honesty and sincerity of every man who differs from it in opinion. I am a partisan. I believe in the policy of protection. I was born and raised in the old McKinley district in Ohio. I have seen it grow and prosper under the protective policy, and I sincerely trust that that policy will not be departed from; that it will be maintained during my time, at least, for I cannot contemplate complacently what must follow in my district when it is abandoned. I know that many good and sincere men differ from me upon this question. Prominent Democrats, who are free traders and have always been free traders, whose friendship I appreciate and whose confidence I believe I have are many. But they recognize that the difference between us is a difference in judgment; they do not question our patriotism, nor do we doubt theirs. Neither is it true that the free trader and downward revisionist is less sincere, disinterested and patriotic than we. The great minority, headed by that splendid gentleman, Champ Clark, are earnest, true men, loving their country and their fellowmen, although differing radically from what we believe to be the best fiscal policy for this nation.

In my criticism of the great commercial newspaper I am not the pioneer, and I would advise you all to read Whitelaw Reid's speech delivered before the editorial associations of New York and Ohio, in which he comments upon the deplorable tendencies of modern journalism. I wish to read a few extracts from the American Journal of Sociology of November, 1909, by an independent journalist, who writes upon the subject, "Is an honest and sane newspaper press possible?"

(After reading these extracts which contain a strong criticism of some vicious tendencies of modern journalism, Mr. Kennedy continued:)

This, coming from a journalist whose writings find place in the American Journal of Sociology, should lead us to look in the advertising columns of the newspaper or magazine which gives evidence of this class of commercialism to find the influence that controls its policy,

and right here I have heard it stated that the great department stores and importers pay annually for advertising to the American press not less than $150,000,000.

This may explain, to a degree, at least, some things about the tremendous campaign against the whole policy of protection, which was inaugurated by the American press about the time when Herman Ridder and John Norris made their now historic trip down to Washington. It was about this time that the word "Cannonism" was invented, and from that day to the present moment the virulence and hysteria cannot be accounted for by considerations of patriotism or public welfare. Nor is it possible that without prearrangement and common design all these newspapers and magazines should, with one accord, in all parts of the country, at one and the same time, assail the tariff bill by one and the same method. Their uniform action and uniform methods show concert and conspiracy, because I have seen in all this villification and abuse no single resort to argument or persuasion. Prejudice and passion alone are resorted to. There is no newspaper or magazine that undertakes to point out to the American reader anything seriously wrong with this new revenue measure. But prejudice is sought to be excited by appealing and inciting distrust and hatred against the men who made it. Cannon and Aldrich and Hale are bad men, tremendously bad men. Therefore the bill they made must be bad. For nearly two years, in the language of the distinguished journalist which I have quoted, we have had "Portraits of villains and of saints. We find incorruptible virtue battling with brazen knavery and low cunning." It is not enough to draw down and destroy the character of every public man who favored the Payne bill, but hysterical action upon the part of the general public must be excited by cunning appeals to the prejudice and passion of all the people. They are told of the excessively high price of living. The columns of the papers of the Publishers' Association are filled with hypocritical sympathy for the "poor consumer"; and yet, there is not one of all these papers that dares mention one price that has advanced to the domestic consumer and attempt to point out in a reasonable way how that has been affected by the Payne tariff bill.

Without concert of action it is inexplicable how, all at once, from every corner of the country, "Cannonism," whatever that is, was discovered to be such a tremendous menace to our institutions and to the common good. The hue and cry, the clamor, the pursuit, in its suddenness reminds one of a great organized hunt, when the whole countryside has been gathered together for the purpose of hunting down and destroying some dangerous and vicious animal. The blowing of horns and the beating of bushes has been tremendous, and what is it all about? Will somebody answer? Has all this been done for the ultimate consumer? Bah! They had no more thought of the poor consumer than had that downward revisionist who invented the spring attachment to the sugar scales. The time has come to unmask. The public are tired of this kind of journalism. If these newspapers cannot retain the patronage of the importers and sanely combat protection by argu

ment and reason in place of abuse, they should, at least, have the common decency to pull down the flag of the Republican party. In my speech at Youngstown I spoke in general terms of the press, and for that I have been justly criticised, in that I made no exception of the small local newspapers. Since that time I have been agreeably surprised to learn of the influence and power of the little local newspaper that has no commercial relations with either the "predatory trust," for whom, it is asserted, that tariff bills are all made, nor with the importers, for whom the downward revisionist press is so solicitous. I was amazed to learn how many of the local newspapers of Ohio are still for protection. My generalization was unjust to them. I wish to exclude the local newspaper. I read with pleasure from the article from which I have already quoted, entitled "Is an honest and sane newspaper press possible?" -a merited tribute to the local press. It is as follows:

"Let us see what ails the average 'big' commercial newspaper. I say 'big,' for no one who is familiar with the American daily press will deny that we have a number of local or small newspapers that are as excellent as human institutions can be. That is, there are newspapers that publish only news fit to print; that never deliberately falsify or misrepresent; that have convictions and the courage to apply them to the events, issues and personalities of the day; that employ competent and self-respecting reporters and correspondents and consequently are well written from first page to last, and that are read by educated persons with pleasure and profit."

Newspapers like this are all over the country, in every part of the land, who have not lost their influence with their patrons and who have not forfeited the esteem of the public. They will mold mightily the public opinion of this country. One such little newspaper will be worth more as an ally of the Payne tariff bill than a dozen of the great commercial papers that have been hysterically shouting "Wolf, wolf, wolf," until nobody heeds them.

The magazines of the country attack the wool schedule of the Payne bill, giving in a graphic way what they call the "history of Schedule K." But do they appeal to your reason? Not at all. They labor through a long and fervid story of something cunning and improper upon the part of the manufacturers of wool in getting the present rates on wool incorporated into a former tariff bill. This schedule in the Payne bill, carrying the same duties, they do not want the voter to consider with a mind open and free from prejudice for fear that he may reach a right conclusion and approve of the law. There are very few sheep in my district. During the special session I was not written to by a single farmer of my district upon the subject of the wool schedules. I believed, when voting upon the Payne bill, that it was for the best interests of all the country; not only to encourage the protection of American wool, but I went still further in my belief, that we ought to do everything in our power to make America independent of all the world in the matter of woolens. It was part of Roosevelt's policy, and as such the present administration is doing ev

erything in its power to enlarge and strengthen the American Navy. I sincerely believe that it is more important to have our country in a position where it can clothe its own soldiers and its own sailors, clothe its own people through a long and severe winter, than to have battleships on the sea. I cannot conceive of anything that would compel us to capitulate so quickly if attacked by the combined nations of the world as would a total inability to furnish our own clothing. Prices are made the world over by the rule of what the seller can get; what the buyer will stand; that seems to be a law of business which is universally followed. If Schedule K is revised downward, as it was under the Wilson bill, the sheep will disappear from our hills. Then what will the importers charge us for our woolens when the only thing competing with woolen goods manufactured abroad will be our old clothes with patches at elbow and knee? (Laughter.)

This challenge has been made time and time again to the commercial journals of this country, but they would not accept the challenge and attempt to tell what advanced price can be laid at the door of the Payne tariff bill. The duty on print paper never did increase the price of the newspaper to the ultimate consumer. The duty on all agricultural products that were changed in the making of the Payne bill were reduced and none advanced. We invite the newspapers of the Publishers' Association to argument and reason. Their ineffective personal abuse, longer indulged in will be an unpardonable insult to American intelligence.