I do not know of any crime that the farmer has committed that he should be deprived of protection and his home market turned over to Canada and the other people of the earth. - Senator R. F. Pettigrew, South Dakota. SUGAR, CONSUMPTION OF, PER CAPITA IN THE WORLD IN 1890. It will be seen from the above that we are the largest sugar consumers in the world, except England. SUGAR, INCREASED DUTY OF, UNDER NEW LAW. MCKINLEY LAW: All sugar not above No. 16 Dutch standard. Free. molasses, etc.. 66 Increase of above under new law, per cent.... 100.00 NEW LAW. Sugar above No. 16 Dutch standard in color, beet, cane, &c., in crease, per cent 236.00 Sugar, cane and other, except maple (if export bounty is in excess of that paid on sugar of lower grade), increase, per cent 185.79 Sugar candy and confectionary, increase, per cent...... 70.81 Glucose, or grape sugar, increase, per cent.... 36.74 All other not specially provided for, increase, per cent 30.00 Average net increase over McKinley law 172.10 Total duties under new law $43,478,958 Total duties under McKinley law $193,294 Net increase of new law over McKinley law $43,285,664 SWEDEN. In Sweden the standard is gold. The monetary unit is the crown. The value in United States coin is $0.26.8. The coins are gold: 10 and 20 crowns. In the Scandinavian Union the ratio of gold to silver is 1 of gold to 14.88 of silver. SWITZERLAND. In Switzerland the standard is gold and silver; the monetary unit is the franc; the value in United States coin is $0.19.3; the coins are gold: 5, 10, 20, 50, and 100 francs; silver, 5 francs. The ratio of gold to silver is one of gold to 151 of silver or 1 of gold to 14.38 of limited tender silver, The first duty of a man who is worthy of the name, is to protect his own family and those who are dependent upon him. -Senator Joseph M. Carey, Wyoming. T THE FATHERS OF THE REPUBLIC. TEXT: THE TARIFF AND THE DEMOCRACY. "The representatives of the Democratic party of the United States in National Convention assembled, do affirm their allegiance to the principles of the party as formulated by Jefferson and exemplified by the long and illustrious line of his successors in Democratic leadership, from Madison to Cleveland." CHICAGO PLATFORM, 1892. HOW APPLIED: "We denounce Republican protection as a fraud, a robbery of the great majority of the American people for the benefit of the few. We declare it to be a fundamental principle of the Democratic party that the Federal Government has no constitutional power to impose and collect duties, except for the purposes of revenue only, 'and we demand that the collection of such taxes shall be limited to the necessities of the Government when honestly and economically administered.' We denounce the McKinley tariff law enacted by the Fifty-first Congress as the culminating atrocity of class legislation, * * * and we promise its repeal as one of the beneficent results that will follow the action of the people in intrusting power to the Democratic party." HOW EXEMPLIFIED BY THOMAS JEFFERSON. MESSAGE NOV. 8, 1808, "The suspension of our foreign commerce produced by the injustice of the belligerent power, and the consequent losses and sacrifices of our citizens, are subjects of just concern. The situation into which we have thus been forced has impelled us to apply a portion of our industry and capital to internal manufactures and improvements. The extent of this conversion is daily increasing, and little doubt remains that the establishments formed and forming, will, under the auspices of cheaper materials and subsistence, the freedom of labor from taxation with us, and of protecting duties and prohibitions, become permanent." "The remaining revenue on the consumption of foreign articles is paid cheerfully by those who can afford to add foreign luxuries to domestic comforts, being collected on our seaboard and frontiers only, and incorporated into the transactions of our mercantile citizens. It may be the pleasure and pride of an American to ask, what farmer, what mechanic, In our children great races are to be blended, THE TARIFF AND THE DEMOCRACY. (Continued.) what laborer, ever sees a tax-gatherer of the United States?" MESSAGE MARCH 4, 1805, "Other circumstances, combined with the increase of numbers, have produced an augmentation of revenue * we may now safely dispense with all internal taxes." MESSAGE DEC. 8, 1801, *** ** "The question, therefore, now comes forward to what other objects shall these surplusses be appropriated, and the whole surplus of imposts, after the entire discharge of the public debt, and during those intervals, when the purposes of war shall not call for them. Shall we suppress the imposts, and give that advantage to foreign over domestic manufactures? On a few articles of more general and necessary use the suppression in due season will doubtless be right; but the great mass of the articles on which impost is paid are foreign luxuries, purchased by those only who are rich enough to afford themselves the use of them. Their patriotism would certainly prefer its continuance and application to the great purposes of the public education, roads rivers, canals, and such other objects of public improvement as may be thought proper to add to the constitutional enumeration of Federal powers." BY JAMES MADISON. MESSAGE DEC. 2, 1806, The first revenue law passed by the United States after the adoption of the Constitution, was one prepared under a resolution of Mr. Madison. It passed the House May 14, and the Senate June 12; was sent to a conference, passed both Houses, and was approved by President Washington and became a law July 4, 1789. The preamble of this law recited: "Whereas it is necessary for the support of the Government, and the encouragement and protection of manufactures," etc. This act provided for both Specific and Ad valorem duties. Among the former were: Boots, 50 cents per pair; tallow candles, 2 cents a pound; coal 2 cents per bushel; etc. James Madison, who has been called "the father of the Constitution," was also the legislative "father of protection" to American manufactures. SPECIAL MESSAGE, MAY 23, 1809, "The revision of our commercial laws proper, to adapt them to the arrangement which has taken place with Great Britain, will doubtless engage the early attention of Congress. It will be worthy, at the same time of their just and proudest care, to make such further alterations in the laws as will more especially protect and foster the several branches of manufacture which have been recently instituted or extended by the laudable exertions of our citizens.” In all his messages he expresses his solicitude about our manufactures; The idea of legislating for the purpose of embarrassing a foreign government is neither dignified nor safe. -Senator J. Donald Cameron, Pennsylvania. THE TARIFF AND THE DEMOCRACY. (Continued.) to meet the exigencies of war he recommends a renewal ofinternal taxation; but when hostilities were over he says: MESSAGE DEC. 5, 1815, "Under circumstances giving a powerful impetus to manufacturing industry, it has made among us a progress and exhibited an efficiency which justify the belief that with a protection not more than is due to the enterprising citizens whose interests are now at stake, it will become at an early day not only safe against occasional competitions from abroad, but a source of domestic wealth, and even of external commerce. In selecting the branches more especially entitled to the public patronage, a preference is obviously claimed by such as will relieve the United States from a dependence on foreign supplies, ever subject to casual failures for articles necessary for the public defense, or connected with the primary wants of individuals. It will be an additional recommendation of particular manufactures where the materials for them are extensively drawn from our agriculture, and consequently impart and insure to that great fund of national prosperity and independence an encouragement which cannot fail to be rewarded." BY JAMES MONROE. MESSAGE MARCH 5, 1817, "Our manufactures will likewise require the systematic and fostering care of the Government. Possessing as we do all the raw materials, the fruit of our own soil and industry, we ought not to depend in the degree we have done on supplies from other countries. While we are thus dependent, the sudden event of war, unsought and unexpected, cannot fail to plunge us into the most serious difficulties. It is important, too, that the capital which nourishes our manufactures should be domestic, as its influence in that case, instead of exhausting, as it may do in foreign hands, would be felt advantageously on agriculture and every other branch of industry. Equally important is it to provide at home a market for our raw materials, as by extending the competition it will enhance the price and protect the cultivation against the casualties incident to foreign markets. "From the best information that I have been able to obtain it appears that our manufactures, though depressed immediately after the peace, have considerably increased and are still increasing, under the encouragement given them by the tariff of 1816, and by subsequent laws. * * * On full consideration of the subject, in all its relations, I am persuaded that a further augmentation may now be made of the duties on certain foreign articles, in favor of our own, and without affecting injuriously any other interest." MESSAGE DEC. 2, 1823, "Under this impression 'I recommend a review The direction in which true Americans THE TARIFF AND THE DEMOCRACY. (Continued.) of the tariff for the purpose of affording such additional protection to those articles which we are prepared to manufacture, or which are more immediately connected with the defense and independence of the country." BY ANDREW JACKSON. MESSAGE DEC. 7, 1830, "Among the numerous causes of congratulation, the condition of our import revenue deserves special mention, inasmuch as it promises the means of extinguishing the public debt sooner than was antici pated, and furnishes a strong illustration of the practical effects of the present tariff upon our commercial interests. The object of the tariff is objected to by some as unconstitutional, and it is considered by almost all as defective in many of its parts. The power to impose duties on imports originally belonged to the states. The right to adjust those duties with a view to the encouragement of domestic branches of industry is so completely identical with that power that it is difficult to suppose the existence of the one without the other. The States have delegated their whole authority over imports to the General Government, without limitation or restriction saving the very inconsiderable reservation relating to their inspection laws. The authority having thus entirely passed from the States, the right to exercise it for the purpose of protection does not exist in them, and consequently, if it be not possessed by the General Government, it must be extinct. Our political system would thus present the anomaly of a people stripped of the right to foster their own industry, and to counteract the most selfish and destructive policy which might be adopted by foreign nations. This surely cannot be the case; this indispensable power, thus surrendered by the States, must be within the scope of the authority on the subject expressly delegated to Congress. In this conclusion I am confirmed as well by the opinions of Presidents Washington, Jefferson, Madison, and Monroe, who have each repeatedly recommended the exercise of this right under the Constitution, as by the uniform practice of Congress, the continued acquiescence of the States, and the general understanding of the people." CONCLUSIONS FOR THE FOREGOING TESTIMONY. 1. On a review of the teachings and practices of the Makers of the Constitution and the Government, we are driven to the inevitable conclusion,-that, if it be "a fundamental principle of the Democratic party, that the Federal Government has no constitutional power to impose and collect duties" for the protection of American industries, then the Demo cratic party has no lot or part in "the long and illustrious line" of leaders who were Presidents from 1789 to 1830; for Washington, Jefferson, Madison, Monroe, and Jackson, all assert the existence of this constitutional power, and advocate and commend its exercise. 2. If there is "no constitutional power to impose and collect duties" for protection, in the General Government, then each one of these makers and |