covered; and yet his selections for public office were confined, in a great measure, to those of his peculiar political views. The President made a journey through the middle and eastern States, in the summer after his election, as Chief Magistrate of the United States; and though the majority in most of these States had opposed some of the leading measures of the administration of his predecessors, of which he had himself been a member, they united, as one man, in demonstrations of respect and courtesy towards this highest functionary of the federal government.

The visit and intercourse were favorable to the harmony he had recommended; and no one was more ready to cooperate with him in promoting this desirable object, in an honorable manner, than Governor Brooks, then Chief Magistrate of the ancient Commonwealth of Massachusetts.

As the message of the President to Congress, at the opening of the session, December, 1817, was more of a business paper than his inaugural address; relating to the existing state of the country, and to the particular measures which he deemed proper for legislative consideration, a reference to its contents will exhibit the policy of the administration,* and present a view of public events of recent occurrence, at that period.

"The revenue was greatly augmented by an extensive and profitable commerce.-Public credit had attained an extraordinary elevation.-Preparations for defence, in case of future wars, were advancing under a well-directed system, with all reasonable dispatch. - Local jealousies were yielding to more generous and enlightened views of national policy."

A proposition had been made by the administration to the British government, for extending the principle of the Convention made in 1815, (by which the commerce between the ports of the United States and British ports in Europe had been put on a footing of equality,) to the colonies of Great Britain: but was declined by that government: and it was suggested to Congress to adopt regulations, for the protection and improvement of the navigation of the United States, in consequence of the refusal by the British to open their ports in their colonies, on similar terms as had been agreed, as to their ports in Europe. By an act of Congress on the subject of navigation, passed at the same

session, the ports of the United States were to be closed, after September, 1818, against British vessels coming from any port in the colonies of Great Britain, which were closed against vessels belonging to citizens of the United States; and if they should enter, or attempt to enter American ports, the vessel, cargo, and furniture, were declared forfeited to the United States. The advocates of this act considered it not as a hostile measure towards Great Britain; but a necessary regulation for the due protection of American navigation.

The difficulties with Spain, on account of Florida, which had given the administration much anxiety for several years, still continuing, the subject was noticed at large, in the President's message, at this time; and it was recommended to Congress to settle the dispute, if it could be definitely done, by a purchase of the whole territory. Mexico, at this period, was in a state of commotion and revolt, and other provinces in South America were evidently on the eve of revolutions, of less or greater extent; and it became important to have all old disputes with Spain speedily settled and terminated.

The American Envoy to Spain, had been instructed, in 1815, to demand indemnity for suspending the right of deposite at New Orleans; for a refusal or neglect to fix the boundaries of their territory bordering on Louisiana; and for spoliations on commerce, whether made by Spanish vessels, or by the French, and condemned in their ports. In 1816, the Envoy invited negotiations on these subjects, agreeable to his instructions; but was told, the dispute would be settled at Washington. But it was found that the Spanish minister, near the American government, had not full power to settle any thing; and his object appeared to be delay. In 1818, the executive, by the Secretary of State, offered the following proposition to the Spanish minister, with a view to terminate the differences between the two governments, "A surrender or cession, by Spain, of all territory east of the Mississippi river-Colorado to be the eastern boundary-a reference to commissioners of the claims on account of spoliations-that lands in East Florida and to the river Perdido be held as a security for indemnities allowed-and Spain released from the payment of debts arising from the claims. Evasion, or postponement of the dispute, appeared still to be the object of Spain; for her minister offered nothing definite, or what was most manifestly unacceptable and unreasonable. And when in the summer of 1818, his consent was given for the cession of

Florida, as proposed by the American government, it was with the condition, that all grants of land, within the territory, by the King of Spain to individuals, were to be recognized as valid; and these grants it was found, were very extensive, and contained some of the most valuable parts of the country. The American Secretary was instructed to reply to the Spanish minister, "That these grants must be cancelled, or other indemnity provided for the citizens of the United States." After some further delay, the Spanish government engaged to cancel the private grants of land in Florida; and vexatious disputes, of upwards of twenty years continuance, were thus happily brought to a close. One cause of delay, on the part of Spain, was the revolutions in her Mexican and other American provinces, connected with an apprehension, that the government of the United States, encouraged or would favor the independence of those provinces of the parent state in Europe.

The President had then expressed a sympathy for the inhabitants of those provinces, in their efforts for self-government. Spanish armed vessels had, for some years before this period, committed depredations on the commerce of the United States in the Mexican seas; and though the federal executive had promptly sent out several public ships for the protection of the navigation in those seas, it was important to provide by treaty against a recurrence of such injurious practices. As a measure of provident caution, the President sent out a ship of war with three commissioners, along the southern coasts, to obtain correct information relating to the conduct of unauthorized and disorderly individuals, within the territory claimed by the United States, by the purchase of Louisiana and the cession of Florida; and particularly to attempts by these lawless persons to introduce African slaves into the United States. Such acts were alleged to have been committed at different places on the coast, from Amelia island, at the mouth of the river St. Mary, to Galveston, in the gulf of Mexico. No European government had authorized these proceedings; and it became necessary to adopt efficient measures to prevent, by force, the repetition of such proceedings.

Referring to the public revenue and expenditures, the message estimated the former at twenty-four millions and a half; and the latter at twelve millions. Ten millions had been applied to the reduction of the public debt and interest. But during the year 1817, then drawing to a close, eighteen millions of the debt had been paid. It was estimated also, that the debt incurred by the purchase of Louisiana might be fully discharged in the two following years.* The President urged on Congress in this message, the improvement of the militia system. It was estimated that the number of the militia exceeded eight hundred thousand; and it was recommended to arm the whole in an efficient and uniform manner. The number of regular troops in the United States service, at that time, was upwards of eight thousand.†

Further purchases of lands of the Indian tribes, it appeared, had been made; chiefly in the west and northwest; which were within the States of Ohio and Indiana, and of the territory of Michigan. These purchases had been effected on friendly terms, and the value at which they were estimated by the Indians was paid by the government; and, when desired, tracts were reserved for the exclusive use and occupancy of the natives. A large tract had then also been purchased of the Cherokee tribe, within the State of Georgia, and an arrangement made by which lands, west of the Mississippi, were to be given in exchange for all the territory claimed by that tribe, on the east of that river. The following comment was made by the President, in his message, on these purchases of the Indian tribes. "In this progress" (the extension of settlements in the west by the civilized inhabitants of the United States) "which the rights of nature demand, and nothing can prevent, marking a growth rapid and gigantic, it is our duty to make new efforts for the preservation, improvement, and civilization of the native inhabitants. The hunter state can exist only in the vast uncultivated desert. It always yields to the more dense and compact form, and greater force, of civilized population and of right it ought to yield; for the earth was given to mankind, to support the greatest number of which it is capable; and no tribe, or people, have a right to withhold from the wants of others more than is necessary for their own support and comfort."

These views were at once philosophical and humane. And if they were made as an apology for the policy of the government in obtaining tracts of land from the native Indians, they apply also to the measures adopted by Washington and his successors: who, while they all authorized purchases of the Indian lands, were careful to pay a just compensation for them, and to have the free consent of the head-men of the tribes, by treaty, for the possession.

The President called the attention of Congress to the public lands, which he said were of vast extent, and rapidly rising in value. And he suggested the importance of legislation on the subject, which should prevent their monopoly by a few speculating capitalists for their own profit; and to render them most productive to the United States revenue, consistently with due accommodation to actual settlers. "The public lands," he said, "were a public stock which ought to be disposed of to the best advantage for the nation; and the nation should derive the profit proceeding from the constant rise in their value. Every encouragement should be given to emigrants, consistent with a fair competition between them; but that competition should operate, in the first sale, to the advantage of the nation, rather than of individuals. Great capitalists will derive all the benefit incident to their superior wealth, under any mode of sale which may be adopted. But, if looking forward to the rise in the value of public lands, they should amass vast bodies in their hands at low prices, the profit will accrue to them, and not to the public. They would also have the power to control the emigration and settlement, in such manner as their opinion of their own particular interests might dictate."

The subject of public roads and internal improvements was distinctly noticed in the message of the President, at this time; and, while he admitted the benefit to be derived from them, he expressed his doubts as to the constitutional power of Congress to apply the public funds to such purposes. As the subject had then recently been before Congress, and might soon again be introduced, he said he considered it his duty to notify them, that with his present views he could not approve of any act for such objects, without an additional clause in the Constitution, authorizing such appropriations. Large sums had already been expended on the Cumberland road, opening a better intercourse between the Atlantic States and those of the interior in the west; and further appropriations were then proposed to extend and to complete it.

"In case of doubtful construction," - this is the language of the President-" especially of such vital interests, it comports with the nature and origin of our institutions, and will contribute most to preserve them, to apply to our constituents for an explicit grant of power. And I think