of equal tonnage, a strong proof was afforded of an accommodating spirit. To abandon to it the transportation of the whole, would be a sacrifice which ought not to be expected. The demand, in the present instance, would be the more unreasonable, in consideration of the inequality existing in the trade with the parent country.

"Such was the basis of our system, as established by the act of 1815, and such was its true character. In the year in which this act was passed, a treaty was made with Great Britain, in strict conformity with its principles, in regard to her European dominions. To her colonies, however, in the West Indies and on this continent, it was not extended; the British government claiming the exclusive supply of those colonies, and even from our own ports, and the productions of the colonies in return, in her own vessels. To this claim, the United States could not assent; and, in consequence, each party suspended the intercourse in the vessels of the other, by a prohibition, which still exists.

"The same conditions were offered to France, but were not accepted. Her government has demanded other conditions, more favorable to her navigation, and which should also give extraordinary encouragement to her manufactures and productions in the ports of the United States. To these it was thought improper to accede; and, in consequence, the restrictive regulations, which had been adopted on her part, being countervailed on the part of the United States, the direct commerce between the two countries, in the vessels of each party, has been in a great measure suspended. It is much to be regretted, that, although a negotiation has been long pending, such is the diversity of views entertained on the various points, which have been brought into discussion, that there does not appear to be any reasonable prospect of its early conclusion."

This correct though concise statement of the embarrassments attending the commerce and navigation of the United States, and of the evils consequent to a departure from the principles of free trade, and of a fair reciprocity in commercial intercourse, indicated alike the fidelity of the President in the discharge of his high duties to the nation, and his comprehensive views on the subject referred to. A monopolizing spirit was evident in the commercial regulations of most European powers; and it was necessary for the government of the United States to adopt restrictive measures of a countervailing character. At the same time a desire was manifested, both by the executive and by Congress, to maintain an intercourse, for trade and navigation, on less restrictive and more liberal principles. An act was passed, early in 1822, in addition to the navigation act of April, 1818, authorizing the President, on evidence that the ports in the islands and colonies of Great Britain, in the West Indies, were opened to the vessels of the United States, to proclaim that the ports of the United States thereafter, would be open to the vessels of Great Britain employed in the trade between the United States and such islands and colonies, which had then been closed to them for several years, as a means of countervailing British restrictive measures-subject, however, to such reciprocal rules and restrictions as the executive of the United States might ordain and publish. It was also provided, by the same act of Congress, that if a convention should be concluded with France, relating to navigation and commerce between that country and the United States, the President should have power to proclaim a suspension, till the following session of Congress, of the operation of a former act imposing new tonnage duties on French vessels; which had been ordered subsequently to the monopolizing regulations of that government. The countervailing measures adopted in 1820, by the federal government, with respect to France, induced the latter to conclude a commercial treaty, in October, 1822, after a long period of delay and evasion of the subject; and by this convention an entire equality of duties was established, and principles of just reciprocity were recognized.

In 1821, Congress provided for occupying and governing Florida, and gave the President authority for that purpose, to be executed according to his direction. He appointed General Andrew Jackson governor, with discretionary powers, over the whole territory; two judges, one in the eastern section, and one in the western; with other necessary subordinate officers. Difficulties of a serious nature early occurred, which gave the President much concern, and which he noticed in his public message to Congress at this time. The Spanish officers, when they surrendered the forts and places which they had occupied, refused to give up, to the officer of the United States, "the archives and documents relating to the property and sovereignty of the province," which was the occasion of much perplexity and controversy afterwards, as to titles of lands, and to the usages and customs of the inhabitants, which the treaty of cession required the United States to maintain and observe. An unhappy dispute also arose between the Governor and one of the Judges of the territory, as to their peculiar and respective authority. The Governor claimed

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to exercise supreme and controlling power in all cases. He had been accustomed to military command, and adopted the principle, applicable only in an army, of governing all other officers at his own will and discretion. But he was now acting in a civil capacity, and he had no right to interfere with the conduct or decisions of the Judiciary. His treatment of one of the Judges was deemed highly reprehensible; but the President excused it, from the consideration of the difficulties attending the due government of the territory, where the laws of the United States were to have effect, in some measure, while Spanish customs and regulations were also to be observed. The conduct of the Governor was deemed arbitrary, and of dangerous tendency; but his motives were believed by the President to be honorable and patriotic. The Governor ordered an exSpanish officer to be arrested for alleged contumely; and the Judge granted a writ of habeas corpus, on an application from the officer, which gave offence to the Governor, who considered it an improper interference with his orders, if not in direct derogation and opposition to his authority. The case of the Spanish officer was then pending before the Governor; and he had some reason, perhaps, to complain of the conduct of the Judge; who did indeed hesitate as to the course his duty and office required of him. General Jackson soon after resigned his commission as Governor of Florida; when he publicly declared that he had been clothed with greater power by the President, than any individual ought to have in a republic. The authority given him seems to have been as unlimited as that vested in the Governor General of the provinces of Canada, by the British government, at a more recent period.

President Monroe gave great attention to the fiscal concerns of the United States. When he entered on the office of chief magistrate of the Union, in 1817, the national debt was very large; the war just before terminated, had greatly augmented it. And there were numerous defalcations by public agents, during that period, who had the funds of the nation in their hands. He early recommended a reform in this respect, and proposed that the receivers of public monies should statedly and frequently be required to settle their accounts. He also urged economy in the public disbursements, where appropriations were made by Congress for necessary works. Much was saved to the government, by his prudent and faithful administration. And he was careful always to inform the Representatives of the people what was the state of the public treasury, what the amount of revenue on the one hand, and of expenditures on the other. At this time, he stated, that the loan of five millions, previously authorized by Congress, had been effected. The increase of the public debt in 1821, however, was over a million of dollars, with all the care bestowed on the subject; and this was owing in part to the purchase of Florida. The receipts into the public treasury amounted to twenty-one millions, and the expenditures to upwards of nineteen millions: but appropriations for public works, to the amount of more than a million, had not been expended. The whole public debt, at that period, was estimated at one hundred and five millions. In 1822 and 1823, the receipts increased, and the expenditures were curtailed; the latter was justly attributed to the faithful admonitions of the President, and the attention and ability of the Secretary of the Treasury, Mr. Crawford.

The President, on this occasion, again referred to the subject of domestic manufactures, and expressed an opinion in favor of continuing the protection of government to that branch of national industry. The effect of their great extension, he said, might perhaps be a diminution of the revenue arising from imports; but at the rate of duties then existing, this evil would not be severely felt, as there were other sources of revenue. And he therefore suggested the policy of "a moderate additional duty on some articles." The high duties afterwards, in 1828, imposed by Congress, for the benefit of manufacturers, he would probably never have sanctioned. For though a friend to manufactures, he was in favor of agriculture, as the most essential foundation of general prosperity, and therefore to be protected from any measures or policy which would depress it. Mr. Monroe was not a rash politician, nor fond of experiments, and the tariff of 1828 would hardly have been adopted under his administration.

The acts of Congress at this session were not of special or extensive influence; but various laws were proposed, which exhibit the views and opinions of a portion of the national legislature on subjects of a public nature. The most important general laws were for a new apportionment of federal representatives for the several States, according to the census taken the preceding year. This subject occupied the attention of Congress several days, at different periods of the session; and various propositions were offered, as to the ratio, according to which the members were to be chosen. The number adopted was forty thousand, after several attempts were made, to have both a less and a greater number as the ratio. The members from each State were anxious to have the ratio so settled, as that the State to which they belonged might have as small a fraction in excess as possible. The Constitution provided, "that the number of Representatives should not exceed one for every thirty thousand;" and this was the only limitation it required. Such was the ratio for several years; but the population of the country had greatly increased, and there was a general desire to prevent a very large House of Representatives.

A territorial government was established in Florida, and an act was passed for the preservation of timber belonging to the United States in that territory. Provision was made for receiving subscriptions to a loan of twenty-six millions of dollars, at sive per cent., in exchange for stock then bearing an interest at six and seven per cent. An act was also passed, at this session, providing that no treasury notes should be received in payment, on account of the United States, or paid or funded, except at the national treasury: And an act for extending the time of payments due from purchasers of public lands in the west and northwest parts of the Union. The compensation to collectors and other officers of the customs was regulated anew, and changes made in the collection districts, for the purpose of rendering their several incomes more equal, with reference to the services they had to perform.

The subject of a general bankrupt law was again debated, and occupied much of the time of this Congress. A large minority in the House of Representatives was urgent in its favor, but the objections were numerous, and several different bills were offered; but they were rejected, and the original bill was voted down, by ninety-nine to seventy-two votes. It was not a party vote, but the Representatives from commercial States generally supported the bill, and those from the interior of the country opposed it. The arguments offered were similar to those presented several years before, when this subject was before Congress.

A proposition was made, and pressed by some members, particularly from Vermont and Pennsylvania, to raise the duties on imported cotton and woollen goods, for the purpose of further encouragement to domestic manufactures; but the committee, to which the subject was referred, reported that any additional legislation was not expedient. The subject excited peculiar attention and interest at that time, through all parts of the United States. The manu