about their necks." In later times, such proofs of political integrity and zeal are rare indeed.

By a life chiefly devoted to the welfare of the republic, you have given assurance of ability and judgment, and of upright and disinterested views, fully adequate to the successful and honorable discharge of the duties of the highest station, in which the people can place you. And most of all, your reverence for the Constitution, as a guide for rulers as well as for the people, is an auspicious guaranty of your just and faithful exercise of power, to any extent which may be given you, with a single desire to secure the blessings of liberty, and to promote the best interests of the republic.

The world has so often witnessed the abuse of power in the hands of rulers, that men of experience have just cause for apprehension, from the arbitrary conduct of those who are clothed with great authority over their fellow-citizens. Julius Cæsar, Oliver Cromwell, and Napoleon Buonaparte, professed to be the friends of liberty and of the commonwealth: but in the moment of their elevation they became tyrannical; and, intoxicated with power, they forgot their just responsibilities, and their duty to the people. So did not the patriotic and illustrious WASHINGTON. And, without intending to flatter you, I may say with truth, that there is a general belief that your aim and ambition have always been to merit the praise of being his disciple and follower in political life. Few men, indeed, whether military commanders, or civil magistrates, may be justly compared to that wonderful man; but it is hoped that some who yet linger among us, are desirous of imitating his virtues, as well as of sharing in his fame.

With a recollection of your various eminent services to the republic, a persuasion of your sacred regard for the Constitution, and a conviction of your sincere and ardent patriotism, I need offer no apology for prefixing your name to the present work. But I would not make you responsible for the views I have given, and the sentiments I have expressed, in all respects, as to the past measures of the federal government. Wishing to flatter no man, and in some measure independent of any mere party in the Union, I hope, that, in the honest expression of my opinions, I shall share in your candor, if I do not meet your entire sanction and approbation.

With sentiments of great respect

and consideration,

I am, Sir, your

fellow-citizen,

ALDEN BRADFORD.

ADVERTISEMENT.

THE object of the present volume is to state the nature and to record the proceedings of the general government, which was established in 1789. Half a century has now elapsed, since that great political event occurred, in the history of the United States: and the rising generation may not be correctly and fully acquainted with its origin, with its design, or with the public measures, early adopted and pursued; which give to it its legitimate and distinctive character. In neither of these respects, however, does the writer pretend to give any new views; nor does he differ, he believes, from those already presented by eminent statesmen and civilians, who have written on the subject. But these are to be found only by searching numerous volumes; and as to a history of the federal government since it was established, nothing in a connected form has yet been given to the public. Such a narrative or view, is here attempted. But the purpose has been to do this in as concise a form as was consistent with a faithful and just statement. And it is believed, that it contains an account of all the important events which have occurred under the general government; so that the leading measures and conduct of each successive administration may be fairly exhibited, and the nature and the extent of the powers of that government may be fully perceived.

The work might have been greatly extended, by a more minute reference to every act and measure of the government, and to the particular circumstances therewith connected. Much might have been added, by way of illustration and comment; and various public documents might have been incorporated with it. The latter have already been published to a great extent, and may be found in most public libraries in every State. And they will remain as rich materials to one who may in future undertake a more elaborate history. All the prominent measures adopted, however, it is believed, will be found here noticed; and a sincere desire has not been wanted to give a correct and impartial statement.

Little indulgence has been allowed to a disposition for political speculation; for the writer did not feel it just to enlarge in the expression of his own political opinions; and yet he trusts he has not purposely concealed them; nor been

deterred, in any case, from praise or censure, as to individuals or measures, such as he believed warranted by the evident consequences to the public.

It is believed that the historian should confine himself, in a great measure, to a faithful narrative of events, instead of writing essays on different political theories; in which, if there should be no highly improper coloring given, the writer would at least substitute his own speculations for a just and impartial relation. A history may be faithfully written where there is little of the theory of the author :but when it is prepared chiefly for the purpose of vindicating a party, it ceases to deserve the name, as it wants the attribute of impartiality. Many writers, both in politics and religion, have favored the world with publications, called history; and though they record many real facts and occurrences, they have often been mere apologies for the sect or party to which the writers belonged, rather than true histories.

It is certainly difficult to divest one's self of all biasses and prejudices of this sort. And therefore there is a strong reason against theorising at all; or in often intruding our own views on a party question. A statement of what has really occurred, and what specific measures have been adopted by an individual ruler, or the majority, should be fairly given. The candid will then judge correctly, from the circumstances and the results.

The writer of this volume would dare hope, that he has aimed to avoid these errors. And yet he could not speak in the same high terms of praise of some of the rulers in the republic, as of others. He could not confound political integrity with mere professions of patriotism; nor an honorable policy with successful intrigue. Trained up in the school of Washington and that of his sincere friends and co-patriots, he early learned to revere their characters, and to approve their political course; and in so far as others have repudiated their policy, or adopted wild theories and experiments in government, he cannot commend them; but he trusts a spirit of candor and impartiality has guided him in his researches for this volume, and that his statements are made in conformity to the public documents and records which still exist. His strongest desire for the continuance of the liberties of the people and of the welfare of the republic, reposes in a hope, ardently cherished, that our rulers may be imbued with the spirit of WASHINGTON, and that a sacred regard may be always manifested for the principles of the Constitution.

Boston, July 1, 1840.

HISTORY

OF THE

FEDERAL GOVERNMENT.

CHAPTER I.

Formation of Federal Government. Power of Old Congress, under the Confederation. Design and Nature of the Federal Constitution. Extent of the Powers granted to the General Government. The Powers not delegated remain with the Separate States, which in most cases are still Sovereign. Address of President Washington. Of Mr. Adams, Vice President. Acts of First Session of Congress. Auspicious Effects of Federal Government. Power of the President in Appointments to Office. Second Session. Report of Secretary of Treasury on Finances and Revenue. Speech of President, December, 1789. Proceedings of Congress on the Report of Secretary, and on Subjects mentioned in Speech. Indian Tribes. Difference proposed between Original and Present Holders of Public Securities. Funding System. Military Peace Establishment. Slavery. Permanent Seat of Government. Distinguished Members of First Congress.

THE federal Constitution, prepared by a Convention of delegates, from twelve of the thirteen independent States of North America, in 1787,* was adopted by the requisite majority of those States in 1788†; and in April, 1789, the federal government, provided by that compact, was organ