End, they had Permiffion given them to join • their Army, whereby they might have the better Opportunity; but Providence disappointed that Plot. (Which was in the Year 1644. after • his famous Victory of Tippermure.)

He was defeated indeed with his small Forces by Straughan, but not taken Prisoner by him. • For after the Defeat he threw himself upon • Lord Afton, formerly a Friend and Follower of his: But that Lord, either out of Fear or Co.. • vetousness, would not protect him, but sent • him with a strong Guard to David Lefley; who ' also took Poffeffion of the Rest of the Pri'foners. Bishop Burnet says (n), That he was betrayed by Mackland, of Affin, and was car' ried through the Streets with all the Infamy • that brutal Men could contrive. - His Be• haviour under all that (0) barbarous Ufage was • Great and Firm to the last, looking on all

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that was done to him with a noble Scorn, as ' the Fury of his Enemies was black and uni• versally detefted. This Cruelty raised a Horror ' in all fober People, against those who could infult over such a Man in Misfortunes. The • Triumphs that the Preachers made upon this • Occafion rendred them odious, and made • Lord Montrofe to be more pitied and lamented, than otherwise he could have been. And (p) that he might not enjoy any Eafe (after • the iniquitous Sentence was passed upon him) • their Ministers came presently to insult over • him, with all the Reproaches imaginable; pronounced his Damnation, and affured him,

(n) Bishop Burnet's Hift. of his own Time, Vol. 1.p. 52. M. Heath (Chronicle, p. 262.) gives an Account of their barbarous Usage of him.

(0) See a false Account of him, Appendix, No. 13. compared with Ap. pendix, No. 14.

(P) Lord Clarendon's History of the Rebellion, Vol. 3. p. 274. Echard, Vol. 2. p. 684. History of King Charles 20, By a Perfon of Quality, P. 45.

" That

That the Judgment he was the next Day to " fuffer, was but an easy Prologue to that which " he was to undergo afterwards." After many • such Barbarities they offered to intercede for * him to the Kirk, upon his Repentance, and to

pray with him; but he too well understood • the Form of their Common Prayer, in those • Cafes, to be only the most virulent and info• lent Imprecations upon the Persons of those they • pray'd against. ("Lord vouchsafe yet to touch " the obdurate Heart of this proud incorrigible "Sinner, this wicked, perjured, traiterous and " profane Person, who refuses to hearken to the " Voice of thy Kirk." And the like charitable • Expressions.) And therefore he defired them " to spare their Pains, and to leave him to his " own Devotions." He told them, "That they " were a miserable, deluded, and deluding Peo" ple; and would shortly bring that poor Na" tion under the most insupportable Servitude "ever People had fubmitted to." He told them, " He was prouder to have his Head fet upon "the Place it was appointed to be, than he could " have been to have his Picture hang in the "King's Bed-Chamber: That he was so far " from being troubled that his four Limbs " were to be hanged in four Cities of the "Kingdom; that he heartily wished, that he " had Flesh enough to be fent to every City in "Christendom, as a Testimony of the Cause for " which he suffered." After he had performed • his Devotions, and finished all he meant to say, and was (9) expecting to expire, they had yet

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(9) Lord Clarendon, Vol. 3. p. 274. Echard, ibid. p. 685. These Rebels used all Loyalists in an inhuman Manner. Bishop Guthry informa us (Memoirs, p. 204.) That Archibald, Lord Napier (a Nobleman for ⚫ true Worth and Loyalty, inferior to none in the Land) having in the Year 1645. died in his Majesty's Service at Francastle in Athol, the Committee • resolved to raise his Bones, and pass a Forefaulture thereupon, and for that • End Letters were ordained to be executed at the Pier of Leith, against Ar• chibald

one Scene more to act of their Tyranny. The • Hangman brought the Book that had been pub• lished of his truly heroick Actions, whilft he ⚫ had commanded in that Kingdom, which Book

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was tied in a small Cord and put about his • Neck. The Marquis smiled at this new Instance of their Malice, and thanked them for • it, and faid, " He was pleased that it should " be there; and was prouder of wearing it than " he had ever been of the Garter." And so re• newing fome devout Ejaculations, he patiently • endured the last Act of the Executioner.

(r) Thus died the gallant Marquis of Montrofe, after he had given as great a Testimony • of Loyalty and Courage as a Subject can do. • He was a Gentleman of a very ancient (s) Extraction, many of whose Ancestors had exer• cised the highest Charges under the King in • that Kingdom, and had been allied to the • Crown itself. He was of very (t) good Parts, • which

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• which were improved by a good Education. • He had always a great Emulation, or rather Contempt of the Marquis of Argyle, (as he was too apt to condemn those he did not love) who wanted nothing but (u) Honesty and (x) Courage to be a very extraordinary Man, having all other good Talents in a very great Degree. Montrose was, in his Nature, fearless of Danger, and never declined any Enterprize for the Difficulty of going through with it, but exceedingly affected those which seemed desperate to other Men, and did believe somewhat to be in himself above other Men, which made ' him live more easily towards those who are,

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Great, Good, and Just, could I but rate,
My Grief, and thy too wretched Fate,
Ide weep the World to fuch a strain,

As it should deluge once again.

But fince thy loud tongued Blood demands Supplies,
More from Briareus Hands than Argus Eyes,
I'll fing thy Obfequies with Trumpets Sounds,

And write thy Epitaph in Blood and Wounds.

(u) Bishop Wifebeart observes (Hift. &c. of Montrose, p. 59.) • That • Argyle defired a Cefsation (with Montrose) and proposed that Engagements might be given on both Sides for a Conference and Treaty, yet at the same time he did not only tempt the Soldiers to forsake Montrofe, by promifing ⚫ them Indemnity and Rewards to boot, but (which is a Shame to say even of an Enemy) set a great Price upon Montrose's Head, to be paid unto any Affaffin or Murderer, that should bring it in. Of which, when Montrofe was well assured (who well knew the Disposition of the Man to be ⚫ more bent to overreach and betray, than fight with his Enemy) he thought nothing concerned him more, than with all speed to bring off those small Forces he had as far as he could, both from Argyle's Horse and Knavery.' See a farther Account of the Earl of Argyle's Treachery, and his barbarous Ufage of his own Sisters. Appendix to the firit Part of the History of Independency, p. 6, 7, &c.

(x) Argyle fled from Montrose, at Inverary, to a Boat (1644.) and left his Friends to shift for themselves. (Guthry's Memoirs, p. 136.) At Innerlochy, where Argyle betook himself to his Boat again. (Guthry, pa 140. Wifebeart's Hist. of Montrofe, &c. p. 68.) At the Battle of Kilfyth he fled, and never looked over his Shoulder, until after 20 Miles riding, he reached the South Queen's-Ferry, where he possessed himself of his Boat again. (Gutbry, p. 154. Wifeheart, &c. p. 117.) From Monroe's Army, taking his Way by Stirling-Bridge, he never looked behind him, until (after 18 Miles riding) he reached the North Queen's-Ferry, and there poffefsed himself of a Boat again (now the fourth Time) (Guthry, p. 241.) and Bishop Wifeheart observes (History of Montrofe, &c. p. 95.) That the Earl of Argyle was the first in that Age that introduced that cruel and dreadful Precedent of • destroying Houses and Corn; being better at Fire, than Sword, when they came into empty Fields, and Houses unmanned.

• or were willing to be inferior to him, (to• wards whom he exercised wonderful Civility and • Generosity) than with his Superiors or Equals: • He was naturally jealous, and suspected those, • who did not concur with him in the Way, not ⚫ to mean so well as he.

• He was not without Vanity, but his Vir⚫ tues were much superior; and he well deserved to • have his Memory preserved and celebrated a• mongst the most illustrious Persons of the Age • in which he lived."

And tho' this great Man was so barbarously and inhumanly used by those rebellious Scots, yet fome of the Loyalists of that Nation paid the proper Regard due to him in the honourable Interment of his scatter'd Limbs, after the Restoration.

(y) Edinburgh, March 9. 1661.

• The Arm of the immortal Marquis of Mon• trofe, which the Citizens of Aberdeen, upon his • Majesty's first Arrival to Scotland, had taken • down and decently interr'd, being with very great • Solemnity raised, and put in a Box cover'd • with crimson Velvet embroidered, was carried by Henry Graham, Son to the Baron of Morphee, bare-headed; it was conducted by the • Members of the University, the Lord Provost, • Bailiffs, and Town Council, and 500 of the • Trained-Bands thro' the City. After it had • been carried three times in Triumph about the < Cross, with the Acclamations of the People, • and several Volleys of Shot, it was delivered • to the Magiftrates, who convey'd it to the Town

(y) Mercurius Publicus (published by Authority, Numb. 11. p. 161. penes me) Cromwell was more humane, for Sir Edward Walker says, (Journal of Affairs in Scotland, 1650. Historical Discourses, p. 187.) He hears, that Cromwell when he had blocked up the Castle of Edingburgh, released the Prisoners there, he caused the Head of the Marquis of Montrese to be taken down and buried.

House,